Author Archive

June 28, 2011

Kikuyu District: The Edited Letters of Francis Hall 1892-1901

Dear Editor

Ni kwega.

Kikuyu District is a book consisting of the edited letters of Francis Hall who commanded Fort Smith near Kabete and who died in Mbirri in 1901. The colonial government changed the name to Fort Hall in his honour and of course now it is Muranga. The book is an early colonial record of life in Kenya (1892-1901) with interesting accounts of interactions with Kikuyus and Maasais.

I am now working on a screenplay of the same name and I am in need of an authority on Kikuyu history around about that time. I am trying to establish the name of a famous mundu mugu, or perhaps a mrogi called Kahiga I think. In fact when I googled Kahiga I found your website.

Can you help by putting me in touch with somebody with knowledge of those days? I would be grateful for any assistance. And would you consider publicising the book on your website? It is available in many bookshops in Nairobi and there is also a Kindle version at Amazon.

I attach an image of the cover of the book.

Ni wega

Paul Sullivan   

*To get in touch with the writer Paul Sullivan or provide information he requires-please contact blog editor or post comment

June 23, 2011

Kiambu County:Luxury Living/Golf/Industry/Agriculture

Kiambu County is an administrative county in the Central Kenya. Its capital town is Kiambu. The county is adjacent to the northern border of Nairobi and  has a population of 1,623,282 and an area of 2,543.4 km².Ten years ago, Kiambu was agricultural zone with green lush vegetation of coffee and tea plantations, but the region has lately opened up for development with developers invading prime land to build homes for either sale or rent to an already bulging Nairobi population.Located 22 kilometres from Nairobi, its population density is relatively increasing due to the influx of reidents.

According to the Kiambu County Council Chairman Mr MacDonald Goko, there are tens of construction sites within this county, a key indicator that many farmers have resorted to real estate investment as an alternative to the agricultural farming as an economic activity.He further noted that the demand for rental units has shot up by more than 100 per cent in the last three years making the construction business a gold mine for the council. Besides being a solution to the high demand of houses and giving good returns to the investors, real estate gives our county an appealing look hence attracting more investors, which is positive for our economy,” he said.The booming housing business is now threatening the areas economic activity, agriculture as many farmers are now selling off their land to developers with others cutting down their coffee and tea bushes to pave way for the now booming construction business.

Attractive climate

Dr Mbira Gikonyo, the Managing Director of Home Afrika, the developers of Migaa Estate, however defends the replacement of the coffee and tea plantations with real estate saying the returns on investment of real estate as compared to that of agriculture is much higher and attractive.”The international coffee prices have been on a downward trend but in real estate, we are not disappointed by the returns,” he adds.Kiambu is now experiencing the upsurge of self-supporting neighbourhoods. Migaa, Edenville, Fourways Junction and Jacaranda Gardens are now the new landmarks in Kiambu, with the Sh200 billion Tatu City causing quite a stir. The real estate project expected to house 62, 000 residents is one of the most exciting projects Kiambu county is awaiting.

Kiambu is preferred for its location, proximity to the city centre and its attractive climate and landscape. Another factor has been its closeness to the United Nations offices in Nairobi and the leafy Runda and Muthaiga suburbs. There is need, however, for land-use planning because the agricultural productivity of the land is being wasted.Notes Dr Gikonyo: “At the moment we have sold out our first phase yet we are at the ground breaking stage.”The real estate boom has benefited the town, with the major banks such as Equity bank, Cooperative Bank, Family Bank, Barclays, Standard Chartered and the Kenya Commercial Bank having their presence here.The presence of shopping malls, infrastructural development and employment opportunities are key indicators that even the commercial developments have gained ground in this town.

As concerns services, Mr Goko notes that Kiambu boasts provision of clean water to most of the residents. “We have a reliable water supply system coupled with the best infrastructural network and we are hoping that the completion of the Ruiru-Limuru bypass will further open the area up to the investors,” he says.Another developer Mr John Ngecha notes that the competition amongst developers has impacted positively on the real estate growth in this county as each developer tries to outdo the other.”We have seen tremendous improvement in terms of design, facade appearance and finishings as developers try to catch the attention of the ever so choosy buyers,” he notes.Ngecha notes that while they, the developers, are selling houses off the plan, the only challenge they face is the soaring land prices and high cost of building within this area.

“We have to buy most construction materials from other places and transport them. We get stones fron Thika and cement and most other materials from Nairobi. However, we are enjoying quick sales, especially from the Asian community and the elite who mostly buy these homes for investment,” he adds.He further adds that most residents want to own, not rent homes in Kiambu, and thus the disproportionate amount of houses for sale and for rent.Kiambu county is the home to the Kabete Kikuyu but as Nairobi is growing rapidly it has added a healthy mix of culture and people from all over Kenya,Africa and the world.Kiambu is now the home of golf,luxury living,industry and agriculture. -Invest in Kiambu

Kiambu County On The Web

http://www.migaa.com/about/about-overview/

• KIAMBU CLUB • LIMURU COUNTRY CLUB • NDUMBERI GOLF CLUB• RUIRU CLUB• SIGONA GOLF CLUB• THIKA SPORTS CLUB

• VET LAB (VETERINARY LABORATORY SPORTS CLUB) KABETE• WINDSOR GOLF & COUNTRY CLUB

http://golf.co.ke/

http://www.kentmereclub.com/

http://brackenhurst.com/bicc/index.php?brackeninfoclass=1

*[The most southerly of the three Kikuyu groups-  Metumi [Mũrang’a] and Kabete [Kĩambu] and Gaki [Nyeri]

 

June 19, 2011

ODB:Dad’s Hat

Amid the celebration, there was tragedy. It was the opening ceremonies of the 1992 Summer Olympic Games in Barcelona. One by one the teams entered the stadium and paraded around the track to the cheers of 65,000 people. But in one section of Olympic Stadium, shock and sadness fell as Peter Karnaugh, father of United States swimmer Ron Karnaugh, was stricken with a fatal heart attack.Five days later, Ron showed up for his race wearing his dad’s hat, which he carefully set aside before his competition began. Why the hat? It was the swimmer’s tribute to his dad, whom he described as “my best friend.” The hat was one his dad had worn when they went fishing and did other things together. Wearing the hat was Ron’s way of honoring his dad for standing beside him, encouraging him, and guiding him. When Ron dove into the water, he did so without his dad’s presence but inspired by his memory.

On this Father’s Day, there are many ways to honor our fathers, as Scripture commands us to do (Eph. 6:2). One way, even if they’re no longer with us, is to show respect for the good values they taught us.What can you do for your dad today to show him the kind of honor the Bible talks about? We’re thankful for our fathers, Lord,They’re special gifts from You;Help us to show we honor them By what we say and do. —Sper

June 17, 2011

Kenyan Currency Reserves Declined to $3.98 Billion

June 17  – Kenya’s foreign-exchange reserves fell to $3.98 billion this week from $4 billion last week, the Central Bank of Kenya said in its weekly bulletin.Commercial lenders borrowed 56.4 billion shillings from the central bank’s overnight window in the week to June 15, compared with 30 billion shillings last week, “reflecting tight liquidity conditions in the money market,” the Nairobi-based bank said in an e-mailed statement today.The average interbank rate in the period was 6.22 percent compared with 5.98 percent last week, it said.

- The Kenyan shilling lost earlier gains against the dollar on Friday after the central bank said it would stay out of the foreign exchange market and traders said the shilling could firm on tight liquidity.At 1012 GMT, the shilling was quoted at 89.90/90.10 against the dollar — weaker than its earlier Friday level of 89.60/80 — and the same level it closed at on Thursday, when in touched a record low of 90.85 to the dollar.

The Central Bank of Kenya said it was in the market to mop up 1 billion shillings through repurchase agreements or repos — which basically tightens the shilling’s liquidity in the market.The bank has twice this week sought to mop up shillings through repos, but did not achieve this aim after one did not receive bids from commercial banks and the other central bank turned down all the bids.”Liquidity is a bit low in the market and we expect banks squaring off their positions ahead of the weekend to help the shilling,” said a trader at African Banking CorporationSome traders said the central bank was sending mixed signals to the market by mopping up shillings through repos, but still lending out more money through the overnight window.

The shilling fell 2.48 percent to its intra-day low of 90.85 before clawing back some losses as banks took profits to close at 89.90/90.00 on Thursday.Traders said comments made on Friday by Kenya’s Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta that Treasury was closely watching the shilling but would not intervene had had no effect on the local currency.

Analysts say Kenya’s central bank may need to do more than increase interest rates to counter a vicious inflation shock that has driven a 10 percent slide in the shilling this year. They say a pause in controversial purchases of hard currency from the market may be needed to turn sentiment around in the short term.”We expect today to be slow on liquidity issues. At this level the prices are a bit restrictive and only clients that must trade will be in the market,” said Jeremiah Kendagor, head of foreign exchange at Kenya Commercial Bank.

Meanwhile:

Ethiopia plans to purchase tanks from Ukraine, a government spokesman said, without providing details.The vehicles are necessary to protect the country from hostile forces such as its Horn of Africa neighbor Eritrea, Shimeles Kemal said in a phone interview today. Eritrea and Ethiopia fought a 1998-2000 border war that killed 70,000 people, according to Brussels-based International Crisis Group.

“Ethiopia is doing its level best to achieve rapid development in all aspects,” Shimeles said from Debre Zeit, Ethiopia. “This is among other things, building the national defense system and ensuring the safety of its people and preserving its territorial integrity.”Ukrainian-based news agency Kommersant reported on June 10 that the deal included 200 tanks for about $100 million.Ethiopia plans to increase its national budget for the fiscal year beginning July 8, Shimeles said. Defense spending has only seen a “slight increase,” he said.

June 16, 2011

Najivunia Music

Tags:
June 16, 2011

A Greek Tragedy

Everything is not all right in the world economy. And things are going to get much worse, insists Gerald Celente, publisher of Trends Journals. “The economy is on the threshold of calamity,” he says. “Wars are spreading like wildfires. The world is on a razor’s edge.” When it comes to the state of the world economy, Celente argues world leaders and mainstream media can’t be trusted to tell it like it is. He warns people “to expect the unexpected and prepare for the worst, which in these perilous times could be a declaration of economic martial law.” He also advises them to remember his Three-G survival strategy: “Guns, Gold and a Getaway plan.”

Arming yourself, of course, may not be the best way to deal with market turmoil, despite the fact that Celent has been called a modern Nostradamus. Nevertheless, some investors might soon wish they bought into his rants about a looming financial system collapse, especially the bullish ones who ignored what is happening in Greece and went on an equities buying spree on June 14.According to simplified newspaper logic, that short-lived market rebound was fueled by the release of better-than-expected data related to U.S. retail sales and Chinese industrial production. But those economic indicators may not amount to a hill of beans if thousands of Greek citizens get what they want, which is an abrupt end to the austerity measures being forced upon the fiscally-challenged nation by its troika of masters: the International Monetary Fund, European Central Bank and European Union policy makers.

Credit rating agency Standard & Poor’s recently slashed Greece’s rating to CCC, the lowest amongst states with a sovereign debt rating. “The downgrade reflects our view that there is a significantly higher likelihood of one or more defaults, as defined by our criteria relating to full and timely payment, linked to efforts by official creditors to close an emerging financing gap in Greece,” the agency said.To secure enough external funding to prevent a default on its debt, which could topple banks around the world, the nation needs to get its fiscal house in order via tax hikes, spending cuts and privatizations of state assets. But the political will to do what is required is weakening thanks to growing public unrest.How bad is it? The Greek situation is so dicey that the Financial Times bought and published a rumour that said local government officials are so afraid of the angry masses that they ordered an escape route readied out of old tunnels that link Greece’s parliament to the port of Athens.

Whether the escape plan exists or not, avoiding the public is not a bad idea for Greek politicians. Indeed, more than 25,000 anti-austerity protesters hit the streets of Athens on June 15, when they attempted to blockade politicians from attending a scheduled debate on state asset sales and another round of cutbacks needed to secure more bailout funding from international creditors.Protesters attacked police with everything from home-made bombs and stones to yogurt. Police fought back with tear gas and batons. The ongoing battle for Greece, where labour has launched a general strike, has already claimed the lives of three people, who died earlier this year when a bank was set ablaze.

Prime Minister George Papandreou’s Socialist government, which was forced to abandon a pledge not to impose new taxes to appease creditors, has seen its popularity plummet. As the BBC reports, a recent opinion poll gave opposition conservatives a four-point lead over the Socialist party, a first since 2009. ”You have to be as cruel as a tiger to vote for these measures. I am not,” said MP George Lianis, a MP who recently defected from Papandreou’s ranks, leaving the ruling majority only 155 of 300 seats in the Greek House.

The Wall Street Journal reports that the cost of insuring Greek debt hit record levels as violence roiled Athens on Wednesday. But there is no question that a debt restructuring will happen, says Stern School of Business economics professor Nouriel Roubini in a Financial Times essay. The only question, he argues, is how and when it will happen and whether or not it will be disorderly enough to put an end Europe’s monetary union as we know it today.

And if history is a good judge, Papandreou’s plans for an orderly solution to Greece’s debt woes will fail, says Dani Rodrik, Harvard University political economy professor, who thinks the world needs to remember how politics played a role in dealing with international creditors in interwar Britain, and, more recently, of Argentina and Latvia.

“For the Greek program to have any chance,” he say in a newspaper commentary on Greece, “the Papandreou government must mount a monumental effort to convince its domestic constituents that economic pain is the price they are paying for a brighter future … not just a means to satisfy external creditors.”After all, as Rodrik notes, “when the demands of financial markets and foreign creditors clash with those of domestic workers, pensioners, and the middle class, it is usually the locals who have the last say,” at least in a democracy.

In other words, there isn’t a tunnel long enough to allow Greek politicians to avoid the will of the people, whether it is justified or not.

June 9, 2011

War is not porridge

Mbaara ti ûcûrû. (Gikuyu)
Vita si uji. (Swahili)
War is not porridge. (English)

Gikuyu Proverb

Background, Explanation and Everyday Use

Traditionally among the Gikuyu people in Kenya porridge was the main beverage and was usually used to welcome visitors at home. It was also used as breakfast before people dispersed to attend to their various chores. As such porridge taking was a common, everyday experience. Indeed, whenever there was extra left over at any one sitting people were encouraged to take more of it to their fill.

Reflecting on war, the Gikuyu people concluded that unlike porridge war should never be encouraged but be avoided and therefore be made a less frequent affair. This is the moral of the proverb whereby war, a destructive and non-beneficial thing, is contrasted with porridge, a good thing. The proverb is therefore asking people to seek peace which has every benefit and that people living together can enjoy. On the one hand the Gikuyu proverb can be applied to discourage (prevent) people from making war. On the other hand it can be used in efforts to stop (reconcile) warring parties and encourage possibilities for the consideration of peace.

The teaching of the proverb compares well with the message of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount where he says: “Blessed are peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God” (Matthew 5: 9). In other words Jesus, like the Gikuyu proverb, urges the need of peace seeking and the avoidance of mindless, non-beneficial conflicts. In the case of Jesus, the benefits of seeking peace are our heavenly inheritance as God’s children.On the secular front the proverb can be applied at almost all levels starting from the family to the community and even internationally among nations. Once again the application here is direct in that it’s asking to take the step of preventing potential conflict and also to emphasize the need for seeking resolutions to on-going ones, if only to avoid the obvious costly consequences of war. The Kenyan proverb is talking about the need for human beings to avoid wars and encourage peaceful co-existence. So the proverb can be used in almost all situations warranting comment on non-violence and intolerance.On the religious level in sermons it can be used to by preachers to (1) encourage cohesion of members where there are schisms in the church and (2) preach values that encourage family unity among members of the church. In everyday conversation it can be used in quarrelsome situations that arise when people are staying together. There are many instances of intolerance when people are together that need to give peace a chance. This can be done by using this proverb. The proverb is telling people to know that they have a responsibility to talk “with” one another rather than talking “at” one another if the culture of peace is to be encouraged. In articles and conferences the proverb can be used to condemn aggressors and their violent tendencies and commend the initiatives of peace seekers. This includes getting concerned about the many innocent people on whom violence is meted.

Other areas where this Kikuyu proverb can be used are in social institutions like the family and school. These are institutions that are critical in shaping future members of our society through socialization. Here the manner in which we socialize our children will determine what kind of human being they will become after growing up, i.e. peace seekers or aggressors. Therefore the proverb can be used in education for non-violence and the promotion of the culture of peace among all humanity.

NOTE: See the reference to this proverb on page 194 in the section on “Gikuyu Proverbs on Peacemaking and Violence” in Gerald Wanjohi’s The Wisdom and Philosophy of the Gikuyu Proverbs (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 1997).

June 8, 2011

Kenyan Budget: Citizen’s Guide


*Courtesy of Uhuru Kenyatta on Scribd

June 7, 2011

June 7, 2011

Editorial-Mutunga Hearings:Disgust &The Cruel Necessity Of Truth

I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national condition.  It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national moral suicide and the end of everything moral that we Kenyans hold dear.  It is a condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership in either the Legislative Branch or the Executive Branch of our Government. I write as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism.  I  write as briefly as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence.  I write simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.

I write as a Christian.  I write as young Kenyan  I write as a Blogger.  Kenyan politics has long enjoyed a long and  respected history deliberate politics, well over 48 years But recently that deliberative character has too often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of position in society.It is strange that politicians can verbally attack the church in a public confirmation hearing without restraint and with full protection, yet  they hold themselves above the same type of criticism from a tired tax paying Kenyan public.  

I think that it is high time for the Kenyan Parliament and its members  do some soul-searching—for them to weigh their consciences—on the manner in which they perform their duty for the people of Kenya—on the manner in which  they use  and abuse their individual powers and privileges.Those of  them  who shout the loudest about democracy  and freedom  yet are the quickest in making  aspersions against the moral standing clergy .So called champions of democracy  who  are all too frequently by their own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of  democracy:

            The right to criticize;

            The right to hold unpopular beliefs;

            The right of independent thought.

The exercise of these rights should not cost one single clergyman or woman his or her reputation.Many Kenyan Christians are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their political minds lest they be politically smeared as “Anti reformist” or “blockers of the constitution ” by their opponents.  Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in Kenya  It has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.The Kenyan  people are sick and tired of seeing THE CHURCH smeared and the morally guilty people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the REFERENDUM HATE SPEECH CASES,to cause the nationwide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be  nothing to the unproved, sensational accusations by parliamentary chatterboxes like Budalang’i MP Ababu Namwamba  and Gwassi MP John Mbadi.

As a Kenyan, I say to our leaders -Today our country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions that are bred in Parliament  and spread like cancerous tentacles. A tragedy of “know nothing, suspect everything the Church says” attitudes.  Today we have a political system that has developed a mania for loose talking and  even worse loose  thinking & zero ideas.  History repeating itself of another civilization death happening in slow motion.

As a young man  I am not proud of the way in which the parliament  has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism.  I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled at the church and others opposing  the Mutunga confirmation by people like Gwassi MP John Mbadi. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified counter charges that have been attempted in retaliation to serious concerns that have been raised against Dr Mutunga.I don’t like the way some parliamentary committee members  have made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish cheap political gain at the sacrifice of church reputations and national morality.  I am not proud of the way MPs smear  the Clergy.As a Kenyan, I am shocked at the way MPs alike are playing directly into the selfish design of “confuse, divide, and conquer.” as exhibited by questions asked by Rachael Wambui Shebesh .

As a Kenyan I don’t want a judicial “whitewash” or “cover-up” any more than a want a smear or witch hunt.It is with these thoughts that I have drafted what I call “Cruel Necessity Of Truth”.Because it is that truth I speak and hope for .Let it be on the record as Kenyans we have a right to hold different views and it is high time for the sake of democracy that some of our leaders accept that .Today’s [Monday]hearings were nothing but a farce.It seems today parliament was not interested in the Church’s opinion and only sought to have hearings to rubber stamp Dr Willie Mutunga as the next Chief Justice  regardless of what those who oppose his nomination had to say.  

As a young Kenyan I tell you .It is time politicians put aside all foolishness,grandstanding and arrogance.Apart from Sophia Abdi and chairman Abdikadir Mohammed incidentally Muslims who showed respect for the church the rest of the committee members present on Monday were a complete and total disgrace.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

Joe Ndungu

June 5, 2011

Daily Struggle-Nairobi

June 3, 2011

Irredentism &The Curious Case of Karura Forest

Karura Forest Reserve is an urban upland forest that lies on the outskirts of Nairobi; it is managed by the Kenya Forest Service (KFS).  This remarkable geographical location is one of the largest urban gazetted forests in the world.Covering an area of about 1,500 hectares (ha), the forest is an amazing site of its kind.  It offers eco-friendly opportunities for Kenyans and visitors to enjoy a leafy green respite from the hustle and bustle of the city to walk, to jog, or simply to sit quietly and experience the beauty of nature in all its diversity.It must however be handed back to its original owners just like Maasai Mara or any other community resource in Kenya.

Understanding traditional Kikuyu land law and custom is relevant to modern times and understanding the irredentist claims to Karura Forest and other future claims to lands in northern Nairobi.First, briefly, who are the Kikuyu? The people of this name appear to have been established over 1500 years ago on the eastern slopes of the Aberdares in Muranga.Given the similarities of language and custom, they had clear connections with the Akamba, and the people of Meru and Embu. They also had close relationships with the Maasai.Radiating out from Muranga, the Kikuyu spread north and south along the forested lower Aberdare slopes. By 300 years ago, some had crossed the Southern Chania river into what are now Kiambu county,Dagoretti/Karen(see Karen Blexen borders), Westlands (Kirungi) & Kasarani(Gatharaini).

How did they get land? Misty folklore and oral evidence implies that south of the Southern Chania land was purchased from Dorobo (probably Ogiek – or Agumba a group akin to them?)By Kikuyu law, buying land was complicated. The currency was goats or their equivalents.If the seller was not a Kikuyu, before any negotiation could be concluded, the ground had to be set so that the legitimacy of the transaction would be recognised by both the seller’s and buyer’s societies. So, both had first to become members of one another’s societies.Thus the Dorobo seller was adopted as a Kikuyu and the Kikuyu became a Dorobo, so that both became bound by one another’s laws. These steps were directed by the law-interpreting elders on both sides.Once the Dorobo seller was a Kikuyu, he was protected by Kikuyu law and could appeal to the arbiters of Kikuyu law for protection in the event of any “breach of contract” or agreement. From that point on, while still a Dorobo, he had the rights of a Kikuyu; in effect, he had acquired dual nationality.

These adoption procedures were the route whereby the Kikuyu not only bought land off the Dorobo, but absorbed them and their families into Kikuyu society.A point of great importance is that if the proper ceremonies supervised by the appropriate elders were not performed, then no land transaction would be recognised or protected by Kikuyu law.Land was bought from the Dorobo by individual Kikuyu or by several in partnership. Such acquisitions were sometimes substantial – up to 50,000 hectares – and included all the assets such as the trees on them unless (as was the case with certain salt-licks considered essential for the community’s livestock) specifically exempted in the sales agreement.The land bought was known as the new owner’s githaka (estate) and he became its mwathi (plural athi).A landowner could sell or give all or part of his githaka to other individuals or partnerships.He could stipulate (before the appropriate elders) that upon his death, part or all of should pass into the sole ownership of another person – most usually one son – or other people or specific parts of it to different sons.Each person became the mwathi of what he had been bequeathed. In this manner, individual private land tenure could be passed down through successive generations.

Where, for example, land was purchased by or willed to several brothers jointly, the right of disposal was vested in the senior brother, though his siblings had some say in the matter, and an individual in a partnership could dispose of a part of the estate proportionate to what he had contributed towards its purchase.Yet, as in British private company law, he had first to offer his portion to the other owners, giving them the option to keep the estate intact.Such clear-cut wills and bequests were not common. More usually, a landowner died without making one. When this happened, his estate became the property of his descendants or mbari (sub-clan) and was controlled by the first-born sons of the deceased’s widows. They were bound to provide cultivation space for their wives, widowed mothers and younger uterine brothers.

Whether land was owned privately or by an mbari was immediately apparent in its title: that in individual tenure was referred to, for example, as “the estate of Njoroge” while that which had passed into the possession of an mbari would be “the estate of Njoroge’s mbari .”As can be imagined, once ownership was vested in an expanding mbari and controlled by its adult male members acting in council, its management became progressively more complicated and litigious with each succeeding generation.Kikuyu land law therefore recognised both private individual land ownership and communally owned land in the restricted sense ofmbaris only.

In Facing Mount Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta stressed that all land was owned by individuals or mbaris and not was held communally in the sense that everyone had equal access to it.The Kikuyu people certainly had a sense of what constituted “Kikuyu country,” in which settlement by non-Kikuyu would have been resisted, but they did not apparently have commons open to all.Of extreme historical importance was the fact that ownership was not restricted to land in actual use and did not lapse when lying fallow.Some githakas contained substantial tracts of virgin forest and the fact that it was undeveloped in no way diminished ownership of the land.

“…Kikuyu law provided for the formation of what would now be called forest reserves… Owners of large stretches of land had the absolute right to prohibit the felling of trees… Another reason for the prohibition of forest felling was the desire of some landowners to retain forest land for the use of their descendants. For this reason, a man who had bought a large area of forest sometimes left a deathbed curse prohibiting any of his descendants from ever bringing tenants onto the estate. This meant, of course, that much more of the forest land could be left undisturbed.

“Among forest patches that were preserved by the Kikuyu by means of definite curses before 1900, and which are still at least partly virgin forest today, may be mentioned the Karura Forest Reserve lying between Nairobi and Kiambu, and the Nairobi City Park. The former was made a reserve by four landowners jointly, their names being Tharuga, Gacii, Wang’endo and Hinga. The City Park was originally preserved by a man whose name was Kirongo, and who, by his own wish, was buried there when he died.”

The curses had to be made publicly in the presence of the appropriate elders. An oath or curse broken would deeply offend the spirit world in which the Kikuyu believed implicity.Spirits would punish not only the person who broke an oath or curse but also that person’s relatives as well. Consequently, all relatives tried to make sure that a person did not make curses and oaths lightly and once made, that they were not broken.Thus, while not having written contracts, the Kikuyu had an effective system of making sure agreements and wills sealed by curses were not broken.Based on the following facts it is only reasonable that Karura Forest Reserve  should be  handed over to the Kiambu County Government as soon as it is elected and comes to power.All revenue currently earned from the forest reserve must and should be submitted  to Kiambu county coffers and held in trust for the Tharuga, Gacii, Wang’endo and Hinga mbaris or their respective Anjiru Clan.Community rights must be respected be they Maasai,Samburu or Kikuyu.All forest reserves,game sanctuaries,parks and reserves must be reverted back to their traditional owners and community guardians once county elections are held and governments established.

June 2, 2011

Previous Post

Tags:
June 2, 2011

Anti-narcotics war: Obama targets Mwau

Two Kenyans including Kilome MP Harun Mwau are among seven foreigners targeted by US President Barack Obama over narcotics.President Obama has written to the US Congress informing it that the seven have been designated as foreign narcotics kingpins

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release
June 01, 2011
Letter from the President on the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act

 June 1, 2011

Dear Mr. Chairman:  (Dear Madam Chairman:)
(Dear Representative:) (Dear Senator:)

This report to the Congress, under section 804(a) of the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act, 21 U.S.C. 1901-1908 (the “Kingpin Act”), transmits my designations of the following seven foreign individuals as appropriate for sanctions under the Kingpin Act and reports my direction of sanctions against them under the Act:

Manuel Torres Felix (Mexico)
Gonzalo Inzunza Inzunza (Mexico)
Haji Lal Jan Ishaqzai (Afghanistan)
Kamchybek Asanbekovich Kolbayev (Kyrgyzstan)
John Harun Mwau (Kenya)
Naima Mohamed Nyakiniywa (Kenya)
Javier Antonio Calle Serna (Colombia)

Sincerely,

BARACK OBAMA


May 31, 2011

The death of a nation

Me Generation & The Death Of A Nation

There was a time when most knew want and therefore understood,
That in this land across the sea, there was a chance for good.
Knowing adversity, they saw their fellows in that light
And so against inequity they were prepared to fight.

Equality their watchword, they scorned pretension’s pose
And knew it wrong to measure by the cut of someone’s clothes.
The pronouncement of the “learned”, they dismissed as rant
And “Political Economy” as privilege’s cant.

And so they built a paradise where workers’ heads were high
The sort of place, that to preserve, they were prepared to die.
A place where there was plenty and no-one need be shamed
Where the lust for gold of petty men by union’s strength was tamed.

Then came a generation that only thought of “me!”
They didn’t have to struggle against disparity.
They didn’t have to argue, they didn’t have to fight
They took each hard-earned privilege as if it were their right.

They went to university and learned to rationalize
As lawyers and doctors they believed each other’s lies.
“Ability” and “effort” they asserted piously
Must be repaid in “lucre” if “enterprise” is free.

Perverted mateship to a con of many for the few.
“Employment generation” became the holy creed
As they “downsized” half the nation to satisfy their greed.
They sent their kids to private schools so they would have a “chance”
And crucified the public schools without a second glance.

“Trust us”, they said, “We’re dinkum, true.”
While as they spoke their fortunes grew.
And the decent were derided and the dedicated dumped
The avaricious pampered while the poor and weak were thumped.

While the tunnel-visioned retards of the economic push
Poured scorn upon the values of the people of the bush.
Their servile sycophants perverted truth to suit the style of the scum who ran the banks.
While the gifted sold their talents for the holy dollar’s lure
As the advertising “quislings” corrupted what was pure

And the businessmen got richer though they screamed for “more” and “more”
The young in their confusion suicided by the score,
Or doped themselves with heroin to cope with what they saw.
The sympathy for “battlers” and “underdogs” got lost.
The safeguards that protected them were scrapped on grounds of “cost”.

The people’s institutions were sold to feed the greed
Of the brutish and the venal who had never suffered need.
Derided all “humanity” and glorified the shallow.

Everything our forbears stood for, everything that gave us pride,
Every principle and purpose, has been crudely cast aside.
Every decent motivation, everything that made us free
Has been subordinated to the clamour: “Me! Me! Me!”

May 27, 2011

Patch:Assumption Is A Crime – Review

Raised on a diet of beatings and thrashings from his alcoholic father, Gabriel first wins his way into his principal’s heart in High School by telling him that, unlike the other boys, he doesn’t aspire to being the most popular boy at school, but rather to find himself instead. Impressed by his attitude, Principal Thornton recommends him for a full scholarship at Prince of Wales Boarding School, the proverbial “best of the best,” set in East Africa.In the next scene, the vista of the internationally recognized boarding school, grounds for the development of the wealthy and the famous from across the globe, opens out before a newcomer, Nigel, who comes from an affluent home, and who, surprisingly enough, is not at all happy about coming to the school.

In front of a cheering crowd, Principal Boon introduces all present to those to whom he chooses to refer as the “guardian angels entrusted to tirelessly guide and watch over your little ones.” Most of those present are unaware that the so-called “guardian angels” will soon come to be recognized as the villains of the piece, at least by those who are subjected to their seemingly endless bullying and victimization.

Patch, Mucheru Njaga’s debut novel, was loosely based on his own experiences at the school. He was inspired to write the novel by a news article that he read in 2003 about a teenage boy who committed suicide in the US after months of bullying. Though Njaga insists that the tale is not an exposé as such and that none of the characters is real, he does admit that some of the events are true. He hopes, in fact, that the book will open up both national and international discourse on the root causes of bullying, by allowing its readers to look at the practice from both the perspective of the victim, as well as from that of the perpetrator. Keeping in mind that October is National Bullying Month, the publication of the book at this time of year is of particular importance. Also in a number of countries in Africa the school year starts at the beginning, rather than in the middle of, the year. As the subject of Patch is of just as much relevance to people living on that continent as it is to those living in the US, the publication date could not be better. Both kids and their parents could do well be reading this novel over the vacation and studying its import prior to the start of the school year, or the next semester.

Mucheru Njaga was born and raised in Nairobi, Kenya, and studied creative writing at Hunter College. Before writing Patch, he worked on a number of different screenplays for several independent productions. The novel was, in fact, adapted from one of his own original screenplays. He is currently based in San Francisco, California.

Book Review By Lois Henderson

Available at Amazon.Com-Patch:Assumption Is A Crime

May 24, 2011

Kenya Shelves Plans To Upgrade Refinery, Eyes Uganda Oil

(Dow Jones)–The Kenyan government has shelved plans to upgrade its sole refinery at the port city of Mombasa and is now in talks with Uganda over the prospect of importing refined fuel products once production starts in Uganda’s lake Albertine rift basin, a government official told Dow Jones Newswires Tuesday.Kenya, which holds a 50% stake in the 80,000 barrels-a-day refinery, is currently evaluating the viability of importing fuel from Uganda, once the latter starts oil refining in the next 2-3 years, said Martin Heya, Kenya’s commissioner in charge of petroleum.”Uganda is a good trading partner and we expect to reach a good deal,” he said by telephone from Nairobi, the Kenyan capital.

The plans to shelve upgrades at the refinery were mainly influenced by the higher costs and the discovery of commercial oil reserves in the Lake Albertine rift basin, which compelled the main shareholder, India-based Essar Energy PLC (ESSR.LN) to look for opportunities in Uganda, according to Kenyan government officials.However, Andrew Turpin, the Essar spokesman said separately that more studies are being undertaken to evaluate various options for upgrading the refinery.”Further studies are being commissioned on some of the technical, economic and funding elements of the potential project,” he said, adding that no investment decision can be taken until those studies are complete.According to Turpin, the refinery’s board is convinced that a viable option can be agreed. Essar hold a 50% stake in the refinery.According to Heya, a government team will hold talks with management of the refinery on Wednesday to decide on the way forward.The ageing refinery is currently producing at half if its installed capacity and requires upgrades.

The upgrade cost was earlier estimated at $450 million, but has since increased to $1 billion due to the requirement to upgrade the refinery to enable it process Ugandan waxy crude oil.Bimal K. Mukherju, chief executive of the plant’s refinery owner Kenya Petroleum Refineries Ltd., told Dow Jones Newswires in February that the Essar executives were in Uganda to look at more investment opportunities following the discovery of commercial oil in Uganda’s Lake Albertine rift.Ugandan government officials said that because the government ruled out exports of crude oil, it would have been possible for Essar to refine the Ugandan products, compelling it to look for investment opportunities at Uganda’s planned refinery.

Uganda and Kenya are already in talks to upgrade and extend the Mombasa-Eldoret oil pipeline to the Ugandan capital and later to the oil region.The pipeline, which currently transports oil for export to landlocked Uganda and neighboring countries, will be equipped with a reverse flow to enable it transport refined fuel products in future for export to Mombasa

May 22, 2011

Microwave Society Sermon

May 17, 2011

Judicial Restraint vs. Judicial Activism

Leap of faith or blind following -Kenya borrowing from the American experience without learning from it: The role of the judiciary branch has been up for debate for centuries. This is mostly due to no specific mention of the judiciary’s exact task in the Constitution, except the checks and balances and separation of powers left behind by the original authors. Another factor in the debate is how the Constitution is interpreted. The method of interpretation is highly subjective and leads to further arguments on the role and power of the judicial branch. One last factor is the personal ideology of the judges. Personal views can affect a judge’s judgment significantly to the point of questioning the judge’s basis for decision-making. There are six main methods of interpreting the Constitution. One is textualism, or similarly, strict constructionalism.

Textualism & Strict Constructionalism.

This means solely the text is referred to. For example: “Congress shall make no law… abridging freedom of speech” means exactly “no law.” However, it has the drawback that not exactly everything is stated in the Constitution. Another similar method of interpretation is contextualism, which is attempting to derive the meaning from the text. Its main drawback, however, is subjectivity. “Freedom of speech” can be interpreted in over a hundred different ways. Is treason protected? Is flag-burning protected? Public school prayer? These kinds of arguments have all been hot topics of debate. Two other methods are originalism and structuralism. Originalism attempts to discover the original intent of the framers while structuralism attempts to refer to the structure of government (checks and balances, separation of powers, etc.). However, both methods are highly subjective. It is difficult to determine the framers’ original intent when they purposely left the Constitution vague and ambiguous. It is difficult to base decisions on structuralism without hard concrete proof like textualism and contextualism.

Doctrinalism and Developmentalism

Two final methods are doctrinalism and developmentalism. Doctrinalism is the basing of decisions on previous case precedents or stare decisis. This is a standard approach of the judicial system. For example Plessy v. Ferguson held against many challenges until 1954′s Brown v. Board of Education decision. Developmentalism is the add-on to doctrinalism in the sense that historical events and political culture are included for interpretation. However, both methods are negative in the sense that they both detract attention from the Constitution. There have been literally hundreds of landmark cases, but only a handful that have been brought up in the judicial restraint-activism debate. Judges have been noticeably making use of contextualism until the progressivist era. For example: Plessy v. Ferguson was passed on the basis that the Constitution did not mention or intend that blacks have the same citizenship rights as whites and that segregation was unconstitutional. The ruling was not overturned until Brown v. Board of Education, which has been touted because critics say that the judges “overstepped their bounds” or became too activist in their ruling.

There are many cases where critics have argued that the judges and jurors were too activist in their decision, and possibly too self-centered on their personal views. Some examples include Roe v. Wade concerning abortion. The Supreme court ruled that abortion must be legal to protect the woman’s health and privacy. The court ruled that it was unconstitutional for the government or anyone else to intervene in another person’s personal affairs. In the Court’s opinion, nobody could tell a woman that she could or could not have a child. Another debated ruling includes Lawrence v. Texas where the court ruled that consensual homosexual sex was legal and protected by the Constitution on the basis of personal liberty. Lochner v. New York was a debated case before the progressivist era. The Supreme court once ruled that minimum wage laws were unconstitutional because they infringe on one’s right to negotiate business contracts. Other highly debated cases include Mapp v. Ohio dealing with search warrants and unwarranted evidence, Roper v. Simmons dealing with the death sentence and minors (under 18), and Miranda v. Arizona dealing with the accused knowing their (Miranda) rights and what they are accused of. Other things to consider are the judges’ ideology. Conservative judges are likely to be more conservative in their decisions, such as then Justice Felix Frankfurter. They will be more inclined to view the Constitution as a definite document, practice judicial restraint, be pro-life, and against the separation of church and state, viewing morality as an important factor.

Liberals, on the other hand, such as chief justice Earl Warren, viewed the Constitution as a living document that is dynamic. Liberal judges are generally activist in their decisions, pro-choice, and a proponent of the separation of church and state. Moderates, obviously, would be a mix of both. However, that is not to say that judges should be confined to rigid categories. Conservative judges have sometimes practiced judicial activism and liberal judges sometimes practice judicial restraint. The role and power of the judicial branch has long been debated. Are judges supposed to practice judicial restraint, merely interpreting the Constitution or are judges supposed to practice judicial activism, proposing new laws and precedents, which may or may not be based on the Constitution? Additionally, how exactly is the Constitution supposed to be interpreted? One thing that is certain is that judges should not lie on the ends of the spectrum. Too much judicial restraint could lead to more decisions such as Plessy v. Ferguson and Dredd Scott v. Sandford, denying African Americans equal rights, whereas too much judicial activism could lead to more decisions such as Roe v. Wade and Lawrence v. Texas, adding rights and lessening restrictions but striking down conservative views.

Read more On Textualism & Strict Constructionalism  in regards to Kenyan constitution (Article 26 & The Abortion Controversy)as debated by Blog Editor VS Njoki Ndungu during the referendum campaign in 2010

P.S Both Willie Mutunga and Nancy Baraza are judicial activists

May 16, 2011

Hostile Judicial Takeover

Background
  1. On Friday 13th May 2011, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) established under Article 171 of the Constitution recommended two individuals – Dr. Willy Mutunga and Ms. Nancy Baraza – to the President for nomination and consideration by the National Assembly for the positions of Chief Justice and Deputy Chief Justice of the Republic of Kenya respectively.
  1. The JSC’s recommendation was made after an application, vetting and interview process that commenced in early March this year.
  1. There is no doubt that the JSC expended considerable time and effort in identifying the aforesaid two individuals out of ten (10) applicants for the post of Chief Justice and six (6) applicants for the post of Deputy Chief Justice. However, we want to air a number of concerns, as part of our democratic participation as citizens and Christian professionals, so that they will aid the continuing process of identifying Kenya’s next Chief Justice and Deputy Chief Justice.
Importance of the nominations for Chief Justice and the Deputy
  1. The Constitution of Kenya, 2010 is a document with various good provisions, but also with ambiguous provisions that will need to be interpreted properly and in accordance with the wishes of Kenyans as expressed on 4th August 2010. A proper philosophy of interpretation must take into account what Kenyans understood to be the meaning of the document during the August 4th referendum. The proper interpretation of the Constitution is a fundamental aspect of the process of implementation and application of the Constitution.
  1. While it is the right and duty of all State organs, State officers, public officers and all persons to apply or interpret the Constitution (arts 1(1), 2(1), 3(1), 10(1)), the ultimate authority to interpret the Constitution rests in the Judiciary (art 22(1), 23(1)), particularly the High Court (art 165(3)(d)), with right of appeal to the Court of Appeal and final appeal to the Supreme Court (art 163(4)). The Chief Justice holds office for ten years, is the President of the Supreme Court and the chair of the Judicial Service Commission (arts 163(1), 171(2)). He is the head of the Judiciary (art 161(2)). The Deputy Chief Justice will deputise these roles.
  1. The positions of Chief Justice and Deputy are very significant. The holders will, through exercise of their powers and functions, influence the judicial philosophy to be adopted in interpreting the Constitution. We cannot afford to get the nominations wrong, because these are not elective posts but enjoy security of tenure. Neither can we afford to experiment with such important positions, which should be filled by persons whose judicial philosophy reflects the culture and face of Kenya.
  1. We have observed the JSC nomination process, and noted various concerns shared with a substantial number of Kenyans which should be aired so that a forthright and honest debate can take place about the propriety of the JSC process and its outcome, the suitability of the nominees, and the weight that should be given to judicial philosophy in assessing suitability.
Issue 1: Judicial Service Commission constituting itself into “an appointing authority”
  1. By nominating a single individual to each of the two judicial positions, the JSC has presented a fait accompli. JSC claimed that it had no choice in the matter, but it ought to have dealt with its recommendation role the same way the Public Service Commission dealt with recommendation of Director of Public Prosecution. JSC should have recommended multiple individuals with rankings to the President for nomination. The current process abrogates the President’s constitutional duty to nominate by making a choice between qualified candidates.
  1. The recommendation of single individuals to the positions poses a number of legal challenges:
  1. The Constitution in Article 166 (3) contemplates that the Chief Justice and other judges of the Supreme Court will be appointed (by the President) from among persons with stipulated qualifications. Clearly then, the appointment must be from amongst a number of individuals.
  2. Under paragraph 14 of the First Schedule to the Judicial Service Act, the JSC is supposed to nominate the most qualified applicants. Once again, the need for multiple recommendations is demonstrated in this regulation.
  1. There are also practical challenges with nominating single individuals to the respective justice positions:
  1. This irregularly applies pressure to the President, the Principals and also Parliament to approve the nominees or else cause further delay.
  2. If the nominees are rejected, the process may have to be restarted thus causing further delay to the appointment of a Chief Justice and the Deputy. This delay will have been caused by the Judicial Service Commission having chosen to nominate only one candidate for each position without giving any choice to the Principals or Parliament.
Issue 2: Weaknesses of the vetting and interview process
  1. The interviews conducted over the past two weeks and the prior vetting did not embrace Article 166 of the Constitution which requires all judges (including the CJ and Deputy CJ) to be persons of “high moral character, integrity and impartiality”. This noble standard encompasses all aspects of an individual’s life whether public, private, in community, in business or anywhere else. The JSC partly considered legal performance but largely failed to address other matters of equal importance – a glaring omission.
  1. It is noteworthy that Chapter Six of the Constitution emphasizes the importance of propriety in both personal and public life. Indeed, Article 73 provides that selection to State Office is, among other things, to be made on the basis of personal integrity, competence and suitability.
Issue 3: The Judicial Philosophy of the Nominees in light of concerning indicators
  1. The nominee for Chief Justice, Dr Willy Mutunga, has a substantial record as a human rights defender and in civil society. However, he has no judicial experience. His declared moral views on life, family and religion are of concern. His status as Program Representative of Ford Foundation also needs to be scrutinised.
  1. Ford Foundation is a big donor of anti-life organisations worldwide, including International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), International Women’s Health Coalition (IWHC), Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA), Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS), etc. Recent funding grants have focused on abortion advocacy and liberal sex education groups. Dr Mutunga is also on record as supporting gay rights.
  1. Nancy Baraza also has a notable record in human rights and women’s issues. She however also totally lacks any judicial track record from which her judicial philosophy can be determined. However her academic writings show support for liberal moral views like gay rights that are contrary to our legal and constitutional framework. She was not properly questioned on judicial philosophy, thus raising significant concern.
  1. Our considered view as professionals is that the positions of Chief Justice and Deputy are too important to be risked on persons who have no established judicial philosophy or who may take the opportunity of joining the Bench to start engaging in judicial activism and legislation from the Bench. This will harm the principle of judicial neutrality.
  1. We are therefore not satisfied at the way the concerns raised about these issues during the interview process were responded to. Kenyans need more light and information on the assessment criteria used by the Judicial Service Commission. It is still premature to issue statements clearing the nominees for the job before even Presidential nomination and Parliamentary vetting.
Conclusion
  1. Kenyans need more information on the JSC nominees in the interests of transparency, as well as continued public participation. Both the Principals and the National Assembly should rise to the occasion, seize the moment and ensure that the approval process is wholesome in approach and redresses the gaps in the JSC recommendation process.
  1. We therefore urge the avoidance of haste or undue pressure during this process. And we encourage Kenyans to join us in asking the tough questions of JSC nominees, and to be ready to reverse the process if the JSC nominees are unable to survive this further public scrutiny.
Statement of Kenya Christian Professionals
May 14, 2011

Judicial Hanky Panky

Judicial Philosphy

*photograph contains a slight color malfunction & does not in anyway cast aspersions on Dr Mutunga’s character or sexual orientation[Only the colored prism of his liberal judicial philosophy]

Read more :

Judicial Restraint vs. Judicial Activism

Hostile Judicial Takeover

May 13, 2011

Bio Jonathan Scott Gration

Jonathan Scott Gration is a retired Major General of the United States Air Force, who worked as a policy advisor to President Barack Obama. On March 18, 2009, Gration was named, and currently serves, as the United States Special Envoy to Sudan. President Obama announced his intent to nominate General Gration as United States Ambassador to Kenya on February 10, 2011. His nomination was transmitted to the United States Senate on February 14, 2011.

Gration grew up in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where his parents worked as missionaries[lets hope some of their faith rubbed off on him]. The first sentence he ever spoke was in Swahili, and he has been a Swahili speaker his entire life.During the Congo Crisis in the early 1960s, his family was evacuated three times and became refugees.After his family returned to the United States, he studied at Rutgers University, where he enlisted in the ROTC program and earned a bachelor’s degree in mechanical engineering. He earned a master’s degree in national security studies from Georgetown University in Washington in 1988.Upon graduating from Rutgers, his “low draft number” motivated him to join the United States Air Force in September 1974.While serving, he “sometimes took leaves of absence to work on village projects in Uganda and elsewhere.”After initial pilot training, Gration trained as an instructor, and instructed trainees on both the T-38 and F-5, reaching the rank of Captain. In 1980, he worked for two years as an F-5 instructor in Kenya, following which he was selected as a White House Fellow and spent a year assisting Dr. Hans Mark, the Deputy Administrator of NASA.

Returning to flight service, he trained on the F-16, and then spent two years as an instructor and flight commander, being promoted to Major. In December 1985 he was posted to USAF Headquarters in Washington to advise on international political and military affairs in the Office of Regional Plans and Policy. During this time, he received a Master of Arts in National Security Studies from Georgetown University.From January 1988 he attended the Armed Forces Staff College for six months, then was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and appointed to a staff position in 6th Allied Tactical Air Force in Izmir, Turkey. In September 1990, he returned to flying service, as an instructor pilot and operations officer for the 512th Fighter Squadron, and in August 1991 he was appointed Chief of Safety for the 86th Fighter Wing, both based at Ramstein AB, Germany. During this period, he also flew combat missions supporting Operation Provide Comfort.

From June 1992 he spent a year studying at the National War College, followed by two years of staff duties in Washington, including a six-month period as an Executive Officer to the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, and as a planner for the National Security Council.In mid-1995, now promoted to Colonel, he returned to flight service, and that June took up command of the 4404th Operations Group (Provisional) in Saudi Arabia. He held command until July 1996, and was in command of the group at the time of the Khobar Towers bombing. In August 1996, he was transferred to command the 39th Wing in Turkey, and held the post for two and a half years, overseeing the start of Operation Northern Watch, enforcing the no-fly zone over northern Iraq. In mid-1998 he was transferred to command 3rd Wing in Alaska, and held command until January 2000. In October 1999, he was promoted to Brigadier-General.

Through 2000 and 2001 he was Deputy Director for Operations (J-39, responsible for information operations) in the Joint Staff in Washington – as a result of which he was in the Pentagon when it was hit onSeptember 11, 2001 - and then spent a year and a half as Director of Regional Affairs for the Deputy Undersecretary of the Air Force for International Affairs; during the last six months of this period, January to June 2003, he was promoted to Major-General and commanded Joint Task Force-West during Operation Iraqi Freedom.In August 2003 he was appointed Assistant Deputy Undersecretary of the Air Force for International Affairs, and in June 2004 the Director, Strategy, Plans, and Policy Directorate of United States European Command.In the course of his career Gration recorded more than 5,000 flying hours, including 1,000 hours of combat and combat support time in 274 combat missions over Iraq. He was awarded the Defense Superior Service Medal and the Legion of Merit, as well as the Bronze Star, the Purple Heart, and twenty nine other decorations.

After retiring from the Air Force, General Gration served as CEO of Millennium Villages, an organization dedicated to reducing extreme poverty. He then joined the Safe Water Network where he helped to provide safe water to vulnerable populations in India, Bangladesh, and Ghana. In January 2009 it was speculated that he would be nominated to be the 12th administrator of NASA, replacing Michael Griffin. Gration voted for George W. Bush in 2000. In 2006, he traveled to Africa on a five-nation, fifteen-day, fact-finding tour, accompanying Senator Barack Obama as an “African expert”.He later endorsed Obama’spresidential campaign, citing that Obama had the “judgment, wisdom, courage, experience, and leadership capability that we desperately need.”In 2007, the Obama campaign “began sending Gration out on the stump . . . in an effort to improve the inexperienced senator’s image on national security.”According to Obama foreign policy advisor Denis McDonough, Gration was “considered one of Obama’s three top military advisers, along with Richard Danzig, the former secretary of the Navy during the Clinton administration, and Gen. Merrill McPeak, former Air Force chief of staff.”

May 12, 2011

Kidum :Mulika Mwizi

Kidum feat Lady Jaydee – Nitafanya

Buy the music-Available in stores -Nairobi

May 10, 2011

May 10, 2011

Torture Files Guilty Secret

LONDON — Hidden documents about the British army’s suppression of the 1950s Mau Mau uprising in Kenya were treated by officials as a “guilty secret”, an internal review found Monday.Four elderly Kenyans who claim they were tortured are taking legal proceedings against the former colonial power — a move which triggered the investigation into hundreds of hidden files that were spirited out of Kenya just before independence in 1963.British Foreign Secretary William Hague commissioned diplomat Anthony Cary to conduct an internal review to find out why the files had not been released.Some 1,500 such files relate to the Mau Mau uprising, while there are 8,800 files which were transferred to London from Britain’s colonies upon independence.

Cary, Britain’s former high commissioner to Canada, said he found that some Foreign Office officials had chosen to “ignore” demands from the Kenyans’ lawyers in 2005 and 2006 to make the files public.That could be explained by a lack of documentation and misunderstandings about their importance “only up to a point”, the ex-ambassador said.”It was perhaps convenient to accept the assurances of predecessors that the migrated archives were administrative and/or ephemeral, and did not need to be consulted for the purposes of freedom of information requests, while also being conscious of the files as a sort of guilty secret, of uncertain status and in the ‘too difficult’ tray,” he said.He added: “We cannot turn a blind eye to any of our holdings.”Hague told parliament in a written statement Thursday that it was right for the files to be “properly examined” and made public subject to legal exemptions.However, he warned that the task could take “some time” to complete given the size of the archive.

Last month, lawyers for the four Kenyans told the High Court in London their clients were subjected to “unspeakable acts of torture and abuse” at the hands of British officials, including castration and sexual abuse.They are hoping their cases will secure a statement of regret from Britain over its response to the bloody rebellion against colonial rule, and the creation of a victims’ welfare fund worth around £2 million ($3.3 million, 2.3 million euros).The test case could open the door for claims from about one thousand other Kenyans who survived the detention camps during the revolt.Following a two-week trial, the judge has reserved his decision, which is now expected in June or July.

The Foreign Office contends that it cannot be held liable, saying legal responsibility was transferred to the Nairobi government upon independence.Daniel Leader, the Kenyans’ lawyer, said it was now clear that the Foreign Office knew about the files “for a very long time”.”It’s not just a case that they found them behind the sofa, it was their ‘guilty secret’,” he said.”The Foreign Office chose to ignore a vast archive of highly sensitive documents when specific requests were made.”Leader said the report meant that if Britain is found liable, it cannot claim the case was being brought too late, as they withheld crucial files.He added: “This could potentially lead to a wholesale change of our understanding of colonial history and that could have ramifications politically

May 9, 2011

Politics & Math [Game Theory]

May 8, 2011

Happy Mother’s Day

When I stuck my camera into the bush to take a picture of the baby robins, they opened their mouths without opening their eyes. They were so used to having mama robin feed them whenever the branches moved that they didn’t even look to see who (or what) was causing the disturbance.That is the kind of trust that loving mothers instill in their children. That is the kind of mom I am blessed to have. Growing up, I could eat whatever food she put on the table without fear that it would harm me. Although she made me eat things I didn’t like, I knew she did so because they were good for me. If she cared only about what was easy for her, she would have let me eat junk food. No matter what Mom told me to do, or not to do, I knew she had my best interest in mind. She wasn’t trying to keep me from having fun; she was trying to protect me from being hurt.

That is the kind of relationship we have with God, who compared Himself to a mother: “As one whom his mother comforts, so I will comfort you” (Isa. 66:13). As His children, we have no reason to fear what happens to us nor to envy what happens to others: “Do not . . . be envious of the workers of iniquity” (Ps. 37:1). When we trust His goodness, we are fed by His faithfulness.

Lord, we’re thankful for this example of motherhood & our Mothers. But even more, we’re grateful for Your faithful “mothering” of us displayed in Your compassion day by day. Help us to find rest in You. Amen.

May 6, 2011

Bharti Airtel’s Unhappy African Safari

Bharti Airtel, India’s biggest mobile phone operator and the world’s fifth largest, saw profits fall by 31 per cent in the fourth quarter of FY 2010-2011 compared with last year, weighed down by its African operations where its business has been growing at a tenth of the rate in India.The figures confirm analysts’ fears expressed when Bharti bought the African assets of Zain, the Kuwaiti operator, in June 2010 in a $10.7bn deal. But Bharti has been even slower to break even in Africa than analysts predicted.“Bharti’s results reflect the expected drag from their Africa operations. This was expected as the company attempts to streamline their operations in the African sub-continent and service the large debt. Centralization of operations and spinning-off the tower business should ease pressure and un-lock value in the short-medium term. Socio-economic issues in the region will however continue to be cause for concern,” wrote Kamlesh Bhatia, principal analyst at Gartner, in a note to India Infoline after Thursday’s results announcement.

Bharti operates in 15 African countries, of which six are currently loss-making, company executives told analysts on a conference call.Since its African acquisition, Bharti has been struggling to reduce operating costs to bring its prices into line with those of local competitors. At the time of the deal, analysts expected the telecom operator to break even in two quarters but they have been disappointed. Company executives now expect to complete streamlining in Bharti’s African operations in the next four to six quarters.Africa currently provides 27.5 per cent of Bharti’s earnings. But at 1.4 per cent, the annual rate of revenue growth from the continent is barely a tenth of that in India and South Asia, at 12.7 per cent.Nevertheless, revenues from Africa are picking up.

“Overall, operationally they were better and they managed to get margins in the Africa business. Moreover, the management has also mentioned that pricing premiums in the Africa market, which were huge compared with local players, have been bought down, so they are comfortable,” Srishti Anand, an analyst at Angel Broking, told beyondbrics.

In Q1 FY 2010-2011, its first full quarter in Africa, it had revenues of $248m from the continent; in Q4, African revenues rose to $924m. The company’s brand, Airtel, is gaining recognition across the continent and has drawn subscribers away from competing brands – a good sign for subscriber numbers in the future, says Anand.The number of Airtel subscribers in Africa grew by 5.5 by per cent during the quarter and currently stands at 44.2m, with the strongest growth coming from Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, Tanzania and Gabon, where Bharti continues to gain market share.

“Access charges, network operating charges should come down which should help margins. In the next two years, we expect a 300-350 bps expansion in margins for the Africa business,” Anand said.Bharti, like other Indian companies, may possess an advantage in Africa. The company has perfected a low-cost / high-volume model in its home market. Based on its experience in India, the world’s second largest mobile phone market by subscribers, the company is in a position to offer affordable services to African consumers, executives said during the conference call.

It also plans to spin off its tower infrastructure business, releasing cash to help expansion on the continent, as it did in India.The company plans capital expenditure of $1-1.2bn in Africa, out of a planned total of $3.1bn.In the Indian market, Bharti has benefitted from subscribers moving to the network after the government allowed number portability. But the rate of growth of subscribers, currently 320,000 a month, may not be sustainable, Anand said.India’s telecom sector has been in the news for a debilitating corruption scandal. Operators face fresh regulations and have paid a premium for 3G telecoms spectrum, putting pressure on profit margins.“Valuation is on the higher side currently, so we don’t recommend fresh buys for Bharti, but for those holding the shares a movement of 5-10 per cent is possible. We’ll get some clarity in the next quarter. Until then it’s just wait and watch,” said Anand.

May 5, 2011

Kibunjia The Internet Is Not Your Mothers (Ti Ya Nyokwa)

Dr Mzalendo Kibunjia at the risk of being charged in a court of law.I put it to you the internet is not your Mothers nor does it belong to any commission or government.Information wants to be free, and the Internet fosters freedom of speech on a global scale.

The Internet is a common area, a public space like any village square, except that it is the largest common area that has ever existed. Anything that anybody wishes to say can be heard by anyone else with access to the Internet, and this world-wide community is as large and diverse as humanity itself. Therefore, from a practical point of view, no one community’s standards can govern the type of speech permissible on the Internet. In the words of John Barlow, a founding member of the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) — “In Cyberspace, the First Amendment is a local ordinance”.

The principle of freedom of speech is also embedded in the Internet’s robust architecture. In the words of John Gilmore, another founding member of the EFF — “The Net interprets censorship as damage, and routes around it.” Because of the Internet’s robust design, it is impossible to completely block access to information except in very limited and controlled circumstances, such as when blocking access to a specific site from a home computer, or when using a firewall to block certain sites from employees on a workplace network.

If you believe that progress of human civilization depends on individual expression of new ideas, especially unpopular ideas, then the principle of freedom of speech is the most important value society can uphold. The more experience someone has with the Internet the more strongly they generally believe in the importance of freedom of speech, usually because their personal experience has convinced them of the benefits of open expression. The Internet not only provides universal access to free speech, it also promotes the basic concept of freedom of speech. If you believe that there is an inherent value in truth, that human beings on average and over time recognize and value truth, and that truth is best decided in a free marketplace of ideas, then the ability of the Internet to promote freedom of speech is very important indeed.

May 4, 2011

Fuel Crisis Grows

Stark reality of the worsening food and fuel crisis in the country hit Kisumu county, after prices maize flour went up in the town by sh 10 in most of the business.Similarly, most pumps were dry in the several petrol stations after the Government announced reduction in diesel and kero sene prices.Most of the shops and supermarkets had few stock of maize flour as fear of speculators hoarding the commodity rocked the lake town.A hotelier in Kisumu Ms Molly Apiyo said they were forced to buy a kilogram of maize flour between Sh 103 and sh 105 up from the previous Sh 95 per Kg.

Wananchi waving placards to protest high cost of food and fuel attempted to disrupt a university graduation ceremony in Kisumu attended by Prime Minister Raila Odinga.The nearly 100 residents of Muhoroni constituency shouted “Njaa! Njaa!” (Hunger! Hunger!) at the ceremony at Great Lakes University of Kisumu. The placards bore messages that read in part: “Vision 2030 ni njaa. Bei ya unga ni juu. We are starving. We want kazi na unga.”However, the Prime Minister ignored the protestors and continued with his speech. He challenged the private sector to expand to meet the ever-increasing demand for employment opportunities.”Raila said the Government has only 500,000 employment opportunities that have already been filled and annual vacancies in the Government account for a paltry 25,000.

May 3, 2011

Video Gaming Industry:Kenyan Debut

Video game stats are always a lot of fun. Gamers love to keep track of them, from their achievements in multiplayer games to figures that show gaming is becoming one of the most important forms of entertainment in the western world. Stats that show just how big video games got in 2010. Well, video game startups raised $1.05 billion in 2010, up 58 percent from a year before. And if you count both game fundings and acquisitions, the value of video game deals in 2010 was $1.89 billion, up 130 percent from 2009.

Another cool figure relates to virtual goods, which are digital items that you can buy in online free-to-play games. In 2011, the U.S. virtual goods market is expected to hit $2.1 billion, up from $1.6 billion in 2010,according to Inside Network. Another telling figure: online and mobile games will grow from a third of industry revenues to half of industry revenue, or $44 billion, by 2014, according to Digi-Capital.

Coming May 24th 2011, DiRT 3 will be launched worldwide into the market .DiRT3 will boast more cars, more locations, more routes and more events than any other game in the series, including over 50 rally cars representing the very best from five decades of the sport. With more than double the track content of 2009’s hit, DiRT 3 will see players start at the top as a professional driver, with a top-flight career in competitive off-road racing complimented by the opportunity to express themselves in Gymkhana-style showpiece driving events.

As players race to elevate their global standing, DiRT 3 delivers mud, sweat and gears world over: from the intense weather-beaten rally stages of Europe, Africa(KenyanRally) and the US, to executing performance driving showcases and career challenges where car control is pushed to spectacular limits. DiRT 3 is now in development at Codemasters Studios for a 2011 release for the Xbox 360® video game and entertainment system from Microsoft®, PLAYSTATION®3 computer entertainment system and PC Games For Windows® LIVE.

DiRT 3 – Kris Meeke: Kenya Sprint Rally Video (HD 720p)- http://youtu.be/RIgdeOM0AF4

May 2, 2011

Osama Killed In U.S. Raid

Osama bin Laden was buried at sea Monday after U.S. forces raided his well-appointed hideout in Pakistan, shot him in a firefight and spirited his body out of the country aboard a helicopter, U.S. officials said.The death of the long-hunted al-Qaeda leader, who had eluded intensive U.S. efforts to capture or kill him after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks he ordered, triggered warnings Monday that his radical Islamist network or sympathizers could try to retaliate against Americans or U.S. interests.

It also served, U.S. officials said, to send a message to the extremist Taliban movement fighting to make a comeback in Afghanistan, where it had harbored bin Laden and al-Qaeda before being driven from power by U.S.-backed Afghan forces in November 2001. The message: Give up hope of defeating U.S. and NATO forces, renounce al-Qaeda and join the political process.

Bin Laden was killed early Monday in Pakistan (Sunday afternoon in Washington) in what officials described as a surgical raid by U.S. Navy SEALs on his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, a garrison town 72 miles by road north of the capital, Islamabad.

In a rare Sunday night address from the East Room of the White House, President Obama said a small team of U.S. personnel attacked the compound, where bin Laden had been hiding since at least last summer. During a firefight, the U.S. team killed bin Laden, 54, and took custody of his body in what Obama called “the most significant achievement to date in our nation’s effort to defeat al-Qaeda.”At the White House early Monday afternoon, Obama said: “I think we can all agree this is a good day for America. Our country has kept its commitment to see that justice is done. The world is safer. It is a better place because of the death of Osama bin Laden.”
Speaking at a ceremony to award Medals of Honor posthumously to two Korean War veterans, Obama added: “Today, we are reminded that, as a nation, there’s nothing we can’t do when we put our shoulders to the wheel, when we work together, when we remember the sense of unity that defines us as Americans.”

The discovery that bin Laden had been hiding in a well-populated part of Pakistan, rather than a remote location, raised new questions about the extent to which Pakistan is cooperating with the United States in combating terrorism.U.S. forces flew to bin Laden’s hideout in helicopters about 1 a.m. Monday (4 p.m. Sunday in Washington) from neighboring Afghanistan. Bin Laden was killed “in a firefight” after he and his guards resisted the U.S. attackers, a senior Obama administration official said. U.S. personnel identified him by facial recognition. Bin Laden was shot in the head, the Associated Press reported.

May 1, 2011

The Call of Jeremiah

Jeremiah 1

1 The words of Jeremiah son of Hilkiah, one of the priests at Anathoth in the territory of Benjamin. 2 The word of the LORD came to him in the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah son of Amon king of Judah, 3 and through the reign of Jehoiakim son of Josiah king of Judah, down to the fifth month of the eleventh year of Zedekiah son of Josiah king of Judah, when the people of Jerusalem went into exile.

The Call of Jeremiah

 4 The word of the LORD came to me, saying,

5 “Before I formed you in the womb I knew[a] you,
before you were born I set you apart;
I appointed you as a prophet to the nations.”

6 “Alas, Sovereign LORD,” I said, “I do not know how to speak; I am too young.”

7 But the LORD said to me, “Do not say, ‘I am too young.’ You must go to everyone I send you to and say whatever I command you. 8 Do not be afraid of them, for I am with you and will rescue you,” declares the LORD.

9 Then the LORD reached out his hand and touched my mouth and said to me, “I have put my words in your mouth. 10 See, today I appoint you over nations and kingdoms to uproot and tear down, to destroy and overthrow, to build and to plant.”

11 The word of the LORD came to me: “What do you see, Jeremiah?”

“I see the branch of an almond tree,” I replied.

12 The LORD said to me, “You have seen correctly, for I am watching[b] to see that my word is fulfilled.”

13 The word of the LORD came to me again: “What do you see?”

“I see a pot that is boiling,” I answered. “It is tilting toward us from the north.”

14 The LORD said to me, “From the north disaster will be poured out on all who live in the land.15 I am about to summon all the peoples of the northern kingdoms,” declares the LORD.

“Their kings will come and set up their thrones
in the entrance of the gates of Jerusalem;
they will come against all her surrounding walls
and against all the towns of Judah.
16 I will pronounce my judgments on my people
because of their wickedness in forsaking me,
in burning incense to other gods
and in worshiping what their hands have made.

17 “Get yourself ready! Stand up and say to them whatever I command you. Do not be terrified by them, or I will terrify you before them. 18 Today I have made you a fortified city, an iron pillar and a bronze wall to stand against the whole land—against the kings of Judah, its officials, its priests and the people of the land. 19 They will fight against you but will not overcome you, for I am with you and will rescue you,” declares the LORD.

Footnotes:

  1. Jeremiah 1:5 Or chose
  2. Jeremiah 1:12 The Hebrew for watching sounds like the Hebrew for almond tree.
April 30, 2011

April 30, 2011

Blacklisting Black Airlines

The African Airlines Association (AFRAA) has reacted with “great disappointment and concern” at the decision earlier this month by the European Commission to include all airlines registered in Mozambique on the European Union’s blacklist of air companies that are not allowed to fly in European airspace.An AFRAA release received by AIM on Friday notes that Mozambique is the 14th African country to receive a blanket ban on all of its airlines.The excuse invoked to justify the ban is air safety. Yet the main Mozambican air company, the public owned Mozambique Airlines (LAM), has a far better safety record than several European airlines.AFRAA points out that since LAM was established, in 1980, it has not had a single major accident, and since 1989 there have been no accidents of any kind involving LAM aircraft.

This compares very favourably with some major European airlines. For example, according to the Flight Safety Foundation, Air France has had 23 major accidents (involving substantial damage to aircraft, serious or fatal injuries) since 1990, three of them with fatalities, and a total of 348 deaths.The AFRAA release points out that LAM “has worked hard and invested significant resources to attain industry best practices on safety which enabled it to attain the IATA Safety Audit Certification in 2007 which was renewed in 2009″.But the praise heaped on LAM by IATA, and its achievement of the internationally reputed IOSA Certification and ISO 9000 Certification, “has not spared it from the EU blanket banning”.

The attitude of the European Commission puzzles AFRAA, for the continental organisation cannot see “how such blanket banning contributes to encourage African carriers which strive to achieve industry best practices in safety standards”. AFRAA points out that the banning of an airline “not only prohibits the airline from operating to the EU but also impacts its ticket sales to other destinations including on code shared routes as travel agents”. This is because the banned company’s code share partners in the EU “are required by regulation at the time of sales or booking to notify passengers that the airline is blacklisted”. AFRAA describes the use of blanket bans as “a blunt instrument that constrains the development of a viable African air transport industry in Africa”.

Furthermore, the beneficiaries are always European airlines “that swiftly step in to fill the vacuum and take the market share of the banned airlines”. There is a dose of hypocrisy here – for the EU argument is that the safety procedures of the Mozambican Civil Aviation Institute (IACM) are defective, and logically this should affect all airlines who use Mozambican airspace, and not just those that are registered in Mozambique.“If the airspace of an African country is unsafe, it is unsafe also for European carriers who continue to fly the African skies for commercial benefit”, AFRAA remarks. AFRAA suggests that African governments, the African Union and the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC) “should not allow this state of affairs to continue, as the continents’ air transport industry is being progressively destroyed”.

AFRAA wants governments an civil aviation authorities “to address the serious safety oversight deficiencies and concerns in the States blacklisted and to seriously and meaningfully engage with the EU to establish a mutually acceptable, fair and transparent mechanism to address safety concerns in place of the unilateral blanket banning, which has so far not yielded any meaningful achievement in advancing safety in the continent”.The blacklist, it argues, has no visible benefit in improving African air safety, but has “huge negative commercial implications not only on the carriers concerned but on African aviation in general”.

April 28, 2011

Michael Ranneberger

GOOD RIDDANCE TO BAD RUBBISH

April 21, 2011

China To Build 500 Bed Hospital

NAIROBI (Reuters) – Kenya and China signed on Thursday 10 agreements, including 8 billion shillings for a medical university, signalling the Asian nation’s increased interest in enlarging its diplomatic and economic footprint in Africa.

China said it would fund the building of a 500-bed hospital to teach medical students at the Kenyatta University.China’s economic influence in Kenya and Africa has been on the rise with bilateral trade in the east African nation hitting 144 billion shillings in 2010.”The money will be used to construct teaching and research facilities at the school of medicine and also for equipment and capacity development,” the Presidential Press Service said in a statement.

Other grants whose amounts were not given would go towards developing small hydro and solar power projects. Other agreements will focus on health, renewable energy and education.

April 19, 2011

U.S Negative Economic Rating

On Monday, Standard and Poor’s pinned a “negative” rating on the United States fiscal outlook.  US stock markets reacted poorly.  The Dow fell 140 points (1.14%) and the other major indexes suffered similar declines.The S&P report and the market’s reaction puzzled some analysts.  “The idea that the U.S. public finances are on an unsustainable trajectory is hardly new news,” said Capital Economics (as reported in New York Times).Indeed, the fiscal situation might be a little rosier now given that both sides have started pushing plausible plans to reduce the debt.  But those plans and the rhetoric surrounding them don’t necessarily fuel optimism.  The Republican plan, put forward by House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, basically reiterates the party line that the debt is a spending problem alone and that tax increases must not be part of the solution.  The president’s plan repeats the campaign pledge to finance debt reduction with new taxes only on millionaires.  While there’s more encouraging news coming from the Senate, it’s not at all clear what will keep us from driving off the cliff.The bottom line is that the news about the S&P report scared me.  Yeah, it is probably a false alarm.  It might even serve the salutary purpose of frightening the political establishment into working together to prevent a debt crisis.  But it might also mark the point at which the bubble in the market for Treasury securities bursts.

The bubble scenario is this:  US Treasuries are a safe asset only as long as investors believe they are.  As the safe asset, they command incredibly low interest rates.  The Treasury can borrow short term at an interest rate of ¼ percent.  As long as interest rates stay really low, Treasuries are completely safe.  The US can always roll over its debt as it comes due and interest payments will be manageable for a very long time.The problem arises if people start to believe that Treasuries might be risky, say because of a negative report from a ratings agency or some other kind of shock.  If the market started thinking that way, they would demand a higher interest rate, but at higher rates, our debt becomes much less manageable.  There’s also fallout for the private sector, which might be thrust back into a recession.  That would depress tax revenues and add to spending pressures, further adding to the debt.  If markets figure this additional risk into their assessment, they’d raise rates further, which would just make the problem worse.  Very quickly, the US government might not be able to borrow at any reasonable rate.

At that point, we become insolvent.  If the debt crisis occurred now, we’d probably muddle through, although not without serious damage to our fragile economy.  And given that our debt, while large, could be easily managed in a less dysfunctional policy environment, I’d bet that this isn’t “the big one.”But the scary thing is that the bubble will burst eventually, when financial markets lose confidence in us.  It’s probably not now, but that means that the bubble could get much bigger before it explodes.  As the saying goes, “the bigger they are, the harder they fall.”Warranted or not, I’m hoping that the S&P report serves as a wake-up call.

April 18, 2011

Ocampo6:Colossal Hypocrisy Of Media

“During the past week he was forced to sleep naked and stand naked for inspection in front of his cell….”The suspect is Bradley Manning, a US soldier charged with leaking US government documents to ‘WikiLeaks’, a leak that has reconfigured the world. The US Government later released its annual human rights report, blasting the usual suspects including China and Russia. Predictably, the countries traded accusations.If this makes you think ‘human rights imperialism’ or ‘hypocrisy’, you will be right.Hypocrisy means deceit. It is the deceit of the moralist, whose invocations to good conduct are not reflected in his life. There are two kinds of hypocrisy: external and internal. External hypocrisy means ‘preaching water and drinking wine’. Internal hypocrisy means ‘preaching water and thinking wine’. This latter is subtle but diabolical. If external hypocrisy has a stench, internal hypocrisy is putrefaction itself.

External hypocrisy is often the tribute that vice pays to virtue. Thus GK Chesterton in Heretics explained, “We ought to see far enough into a hypocrite to see even his sincerity.Internal hypocrisy is different. When it flaunts itself, meaning ‘preaching water and also preaching wine’, it deserves strong rebuke.Thus did Jesus deliver seven ‘Woes’ against the hypocrisy of the Pharisees.The pastor, politician and journalist are notable moralists in today’s world. Each is driven to teach, to influence, to moralise. So we are all susceptible to hypocrisy. Each has a podium, each thrives in their platform.Pastors in their church. Politicians at their rally. Journalists, through their pens or microphones, in the living rooms of the nation. Pastors and politicians dream of media-size platforms. So let us consider media hypocrisy today.

The same media persons chiding some of the Ocampo Six for manifesting unbecoming glee have been gleefully chortling at their discomfiture. The same media urging a blackout of the Ocampo Six quickly unite when media freedom is threatened.The journalists spouting the clichÈ ‘innocent until proven guilty’ are the same ones criticising the Ocampo Six for ignoring the pain of PEV victims as if their guilt is proven.Using sleight of hand, the Ocampo Six have been urged to restrict their pleas of innocence to The Hague. Yet the same media happily welcome Ocampo’s public accusations against the suspects. The media even keenly solicit the public’s views on the possible trial of the Ocampo Six.

But The Hague Six and their supporters must stand mute as their reputation is tarnished outside court.Truth be told, there is a big variance between American practice and British tradition on the sub judice rule. Kenya adhered close to the British tradition under the previous Constitution.Little public comment of ongoing trials was allowed. A graveyard silence was indicated, and any violation subjected to harsh penalties. The Judiciary, like football referees today, was considered vulnerable to the lightest criticism.Under our new Constitution, a more timid and American version of the sub judice rule applies. Healthy and robust criticism of the Judiciary is possible; also more commentary on phases of ongoing litigation.This is true for the ICC as well. The plea for a reverent pact of silence on the ICC is a threat to our democracy. It carries the stench of a colossal hypocrisy.

By Charles Kanjama.

April 18, 2011

More cartoons-http://muigwithania.com/cartoons/

April 18, 2011

A false Choice For Africa?

If ever there was doubt of a growing rift between African and Western leaders, it was made clear with the recent conflicts of Libya and Ivory Coast.In both countries – where strongmen rulers unleashed their armies and police against opponents – Western leaders quickly called for international intervention to protect civilians, while many African leaders preferred mediation and complained of African sovereignty being trampled. In Ivory Coast, African Union-led mediation failed miserably as renegade President Laurent Gbagbo plunged his country back into civil war before the United Nations asked French forces to intervene, leading to Gbagbo’s capture on Monday. And while Western allies continued to bomb forces loyal to Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi this week, the AU sent a five-nation team to Tripoli to hash out “”road map”" for peace that rebels have rejected. The tensions resulting from the two approaches, though, are not merely between bossy rich Western nations on one side and African nationalists on the other. They exist within every African country, in a debate that poses the question: Can modern African societies be open enough to allow democracy, but strong enough to resist external political or economic domination? “It is a very interesting conflict going on. The Ivory Coast issue has divided African public opinion quite sharply,” says Achille Mbembe, professor of history and politics at Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, South Africa. African anger at the West reached its sharpest point at the beginning of a French-led air attack on heavy weapons belonging to Gbagbo’s forces in Ivory Coast’s main city of Abidjan on April 4.

African Union chief Teodoro Obiang Nguema – who is also president of Equatorial Guinea – told a gathering of reporters in Geneva, “Africa does not need any external influence . Africa must manage its own affairs.” Not only was UN action unwanted in Ivory Coast, it was also undermining AU efforts at mediation in Libya, Obiang said.
“”I believe that the problems in Libya should be resolved in an internal fashion and not through an intervention that could appear to resemble a humanitarian intervention,”" Obiang said. “”We have already seen this in Iraq. Colonialism looms largeYet the larger debate between democracy on one hand and nationalism on the other is an old one, Mbembe says, dating to the colonial period, when Africans were fighting for self-determination. “Africans wanted elections, but they also wanted to be free from foreign intervention,” he says. Freedom movements combined both of these two goals into a larger project to push out Western colonial powers. But once the colonial powers left, the liberal goal of democratic freedom gave way as newly formed African governments adopted an authoritarian style. At a time when foreign investment is flooding into Africa – particularly from China, India, and Russia, but also from Britain, France, and the U.S. – this authoritarian style, mixed with a touch of populist nationalism, can sometimes ring warning bells, as when South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) contemplates new rules to limit press freedom, and when ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema recently called for nationalization of all the country’s privately operated mines.

The power of nationalism

But nationalism is a powerful force in Africa because it is popular, Mbembe says, and the UN is not helped by the fact that the history of foreign intervention has been negative throughout Africa, from the tragedy of (the killing of former Congolese President Patrice Lumumba in 1961) to the indifference shown during the Rwandan genocide to the UN force bombing the military in Abidjan. Indeed, Mbembe says, resistance to UN intervention in Africa is growing. Even when African leaders are charged with human rights crimes – a half dozen Kenyan politicians are, in separate cases currently before the International Criminal Court – their fellow African leaders increasingly protest against an “unfair” intervention of “rich Western nations” in African domestic affairs, instead of standing firm for the principles of universal human rights and justice. Yet there is no reason that democracy and self-determination have to remain at odds, Mbembe adds.

A false choice?

“It’s a false choice,”" says Mbembe. “”From 1960 to the end of the century, authoritarian governments in Africa have tried to convince people that these two things are not doable, and we should favor authoritarianism over democracy. But what we are seeing is people are going back to the original project in which democracy and self-determination shared equal space.” Here in South Africa, the continent’s largest economy, the ruling ANC retains a firm nationalism at its ideological core, and it has pointedly marked out a foreign policy that is at odds with the West, and the U.S. in particular. While serving on the UN Security Council, South Africa used its vote to defeat a censure vote against the military regime in Myanmar (Burma) back in 2009, a move that horrified human rights activists.

During both the Ivory Coast and Libyan conflicts, South African President Jacob Zuma has personally traveled to both countries as part of AU fact-finding missions to explore possibilities for mediation, including power-sharing deals that would allow unpopular leaders to remain in power.“At its core, the ANC saw nationalism as more important than human rights,” says Adam Habib, a political scientist and deputy vice chancellor of University of Johannesburg. But like Mbembe, Habib says “there needs to be a new alliance between human rights and nationalists. We get this question of development or democracy. It is not possible to have one without the other.”

April 13, 2011

The Origins Of Political Order

Book Review: The history profession is today dominated by small minds studying small topics. Specialists trade in abstractions, taking refuge in tiny foxholes of arcane knowledge. It was not always this way. In the 19th century, men like Leopold von RankeGeorge Macaulay Trevelyan and Frederick Jackson Turner used the past to try to understand the present. Their ideas were big, and sometimes too were their mistakes.

Francis Fukuyama is at heart a Victorian. As he admits, he wants to revive a “lost tradition” when historians were big thinkers. In “The Origins of Political Order,” his topic is the world, his starting point the chimpanzee. He charts how states evolved, in the process explaining why, despite humans’ common origin in Africa perhaps 50,000 years ago, great political diversity exists today. While this is only the first volume of two (ending on the eve of the French Revolution), it is nevertheless impressive to see such a huge and complicated topic covered in such an accessible and engaging fashion.

The central question that troubles Fukuyama is why some nations behave like Denmark, but most do not. A successful liberal democracy, he argues, combines three essential elements in perfect balance, namely the state itself, the rule of law and accountability in government. Central authority is strong, but it is bound by a transparent system of law and is subordinate to the will of the people. As he maintains, “this balance constitutes the miracle of modern politics, since it is not obvious that they can be combined.” Often, the conditions that encourage the development of a strong central authority militate against the formation of institutions to limit that authority.

A stable liberal democracy is, therefore, an aberration, the product of good intent and good fortune. The most common condition among states is for Fukuyama’s three elements to exist in disharmony. This results in dysfunction, but not necessarily disorder. Weird anomalies evolve. Thus, in China, a stable, socially mobile and increasingly prosperous society exists within an authoritarian state, while in India democratic institutions are powerless to overturn hierarchical traditions that hinder social mobility. Thus, it could be argued that the democratic Indians enjoy less freedom than the tyrannized Chinese.

Fukuyama is fond of the adage that “he who knows only one country knows no countries.” That seems a clever dig at insular Americans who assume that the world should behave like America. Fukuyama, who has studied many countries, has come to the conclusion that liberal democracy is not the “default position.” That, in turn, implies that authoritarian nations cannot easily be transformed into stable democracies with help from benevolent friends. Though he insists he does not want to seem deterministic, he provides a wealth of evidence to suggest that nations are prisoners of their pasts. China today behaves a lot like China of 3,000 years ago. Ditto India. Ditto Afghanistan.

The more countries one knows, however, the harder it is to form comprehensive theories of political development. Western philosophy is reductive, based as it is on a Greco-Roman heritage foreign to most of the world. China, in other words, has not played according to the rules of Rousseau. The evolution of political order is affected by geography, climate, war, agriculture, language, religion and myriad other determinants, thus explaining the great diversity. As Fukuyama admits, “The prospects of producing a predictive general theory out of this soup of causal factors and outcomes seems to be very slim indeed.”

“The Origins of Political Order” is, then, a corrective to the liberal philosophy peddled by Rousseau, Kant and Locke. Out of their ideas grew the Whig view of history, which holds that the growth of liberty, prosperity and democracy is inevitable. Progress, argues Fukuyama, can lead as easily to Chinese authoritarianism, Russian corruption or Nigerian perfidy. Everything depends on that soup of circumstances. While the title of this book is appropriate, it could easily be titled “The Origins of Political Disorder.”

Though Fukuyama never admits it, this book also seems a corrective to his “The End of History and the Last Man” (1992). That book arose from the post Cold War euphoria about the triumph of liberal democracy. As he wrote back then, “We may be witnessing . . . not just the end of the Cold War, [but] the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” That cozy certitude, always tenuous, came crashing down with the Twin Towers.

The basic assumptions about liberal democracy which underpinned “The End of History” still seem valid, but progress and inevitability do not. The world seems much more complicated than it did 20 years ago. Autocratic China surges on, while the United States is, as Fukuyama argues, “gridlocked” by too much democracy. “The Origins of Political Order” tries to make sense of the complexity that has cluttered the last two decades. It is a bold book, probably too bold for the specialists who take refuge in tiny topics and fear big ideas. But Fukuyama deserves congratulation for thinking big and not worrying about making mistakes. This is a book that will be remembered, like those of Ranke, Trevelyan and Turner. Bring on volume II.

April 11, 2011

The Lumumba Of This Generation

The United Nations secretary general Mr Ban Ki-moon is a strange type of democrat. Speaking to the press at Addis Ababa outside the meeting of the African Union he spoke thus: ‘I am concerned that differences of opinion are now surfacing among the African Union. This is not desirable at this time in preserving the integrity and fundamental principle of democracy’. His notion of democracy does not value ‘differences of opinion’.

It stands at variance to Mwalimu Nyerere’s view of the workings of communal democracy of Africa in which members of a community ‘talk and talk and talk until we agree or agree to disagree’. That Ban Ki-moon has not imbibed this fundamental law of African democracy is not surprising since he is from Korea, with deeply ingrained memories of brutal dictatorship against his people by Japanese colonial rulers when Japan conquered and occupied his country. As a top official of the United Nations, however, he has no excuse not to acquaint himself with a core cultural value in African civilisation.

Ban Ki-moon has shown a rare haste to see Alassane Ouattara in power and Laurent Gbagbo out. He has been party to a gang known as the ‘international community’ to oust the constitutional order in Cote d’Ivoire in rude deviation from the principle of the ‘rule of law’. The constitutional order spelt out steps that were not challenged before the election was conducted to the effect that the Electoral Commission conducts an election but the ultimate authority to affirm final and legitimate results is the Council of State.

That Ivorian formula held a precaution against the possibility of election malpractices being the determinant of election results. In his haste to support Ouattara, Ban Ki-moon has sided with the high possibility of election results contaminated by malpractices. That a UN secretary general finds himself in this position indicates that his unwholesome position is not a measure for defending a ‘fundamental principle of democracy’, but rather a matter of real politicks to please powerful groups behind the UN Security Council.

Africa is deeply indebted to the heroes of the freedom revolution in Tunisia and Egypt. They took the winds or nuclear fuel off the sails or engine of Ban Ki-moon’s invasion of the electoral politics of Cote d’Ivoire by taking television cameras and salivating propagandists to the streets of Tunisian and Egyptian cities. What the threat of nuclear war between his native brothers in North Korea and South Korea could not achieve in pulling Ban Ki-moon to that region as a fire brigade chief, the angry youths of Tunisia and Egypt did with an enchanting if tragic drama in the deaths of those murdered by police and military guns.

Under the glow of those political fire storms, the African Union could meet in Addis Ababa and bluntly rebuke the French President Sarkozy and Ki-moon by telling them that Cote d’Ivoire is and African problem. Ban Ki-moon should not have been too hasty to teach Africa’s leaders the call for democracy in Cote d’ Ivoire.Ban Ki-moon is a puzzle to African observers. He heads an organisation that was created ‘to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war which twice in out generation brought untold sorrow to mankind’. West Africa has suffered ‘ untold sorrow’ in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the last two decades. Somalia is in the grip of ‘ untold sorrow’. Over 1.5 million people in Northern Uganda lived in filthy poverty-stricken camps to be ‘ protected’ by their government from forced recruitment and death by LRA militias.

For twenty years over 40,000 children in these camps trekked daily to sleep on cold pavements in urban centres to escape from being captured by LRA’s marauders’. Over 2 million peoples of Southern Sudan died from war, not to mention victims of Darfur. If Ban Ki-Moon finds that difficult to integrate into the historic mandate of the United Nations Organization, he should not expect African leaders to suffer from such racist amnesia. He should urgently abandon the hope of weeping crocodile tears over rivers of blood in Cote d’Ivoire in the name of a doubtful authenticity of an electoral ‘democracy’ in that country.

The freedom revolution currently ablaze in Tunisia and Egypt is anchored in the rejection of policies imposed on friends of the ‘ international community’ countries that Ban Ki-moon listens to. Those policies blocked internal industrialisation and industrial expansion – including moving into the realm of use of information technology for industrial productivity.

It blocked the creation of jobs. The pains and humiliations of perpetual unemployment is the fuel that has exploded the revolts in Tunisia and Egypt. Because China stood independent of this Euro-American tyranny of unemployment, poverty, and wrath, the streets of China have been saved from the spectre of hundreds of millions protesting and burning down buildings. Due to a strange historic deafness, Ban Ki-moon wants to put in power Alassane Ouattara as a puppet that will take Cote d’Ivoire down that same route to destruction.

Ban Ki-moon also seems to be anxious to outdo one of his predecessors – Dag Hammarskjöld. That UN secretary general holds the notorious record of virulently hating and participating in the murder of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba had wanted Belgian troops driven out of his newly independent country.

He wanted the secession of Katanga province from Congo ended quickly before racist white mercenaries from South Africa, Southern and Northern Rhodesia and Belgium, France, and Britain helped it to become a fully separate country. He was ordered to assassinate Lumumba by President Dwight Eisenhower of the United States and by top officials of Belgium, Britain and France. Voices of African leaders, like Kwame Nkrumah and Gamal Nasser, who wished to advise Lumumba and build negotiations and dialogue between Congo’s politicians, were ignored contemptuously. Africa must this time help Ki-moon to climb to a higher and historical legacy; one not soaked in African blood from Cote d’Ivoire and West Africa.

The freedom revolution in Tunisia and Egypt deserves a more glorifying form of honour by Ban Ki-moon. The African Union, however, needs to find a herbal cure for that obnoxious ideology of ‘ ivorite’ (or only people whose parents are also born of ethnic groups from southern part of the country can hold leadership posts), that has poisoned politics in that country. The African has creative example to borrow from. One of them is Nigeria’s ‘ federal character principle’ and Kagame’s civic education for youths against ‘ genocide ideology’.

They handed Lumumba to Mobutu (1961). Now they have handed Gbagbo to Outtara(2011). 50 years of African Neo-Colonialism -Aluta Continua



April 10, 2011

Sunday:

April 8, 2011

Britian Must Own Up Over Mau Mau

A number of Mau Mau Veterans are in London, England for proceedings relating to their case for compensation for damages arising from the torture and serious human rights violations they suffered from the British Colonial rulers.The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) has worked hard to ensure that justice is done in this case or in the least the Mau Mau Veterans gets their day in Court. It has taken many years of meticulous and determined advocacy by the Mau Mau Veterans, KHRC and their lawyers to get this far. It is also notable and commendable that finally the Kenyan Government has come on board, on the side of the Mau Mau Veterans and at such a critical time to insist that the British government owes reparations to the heroes of the independence movement.

The treatment that the Mau Mau Veterans faced from the British colonial rulers was of despicable proportions. It involved the worst forms of torture imaginable, including castration and rapes with very crude instruments.The greatest irony was that the British government was sanctioning these inhumane acts against Kenyans opposed to its colonial domination at a time it was spearheading a global campaign for the enactment and adoption of the 1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights. While globally the British government wanted to be perceived as a pioneer of a Universalist approach to human rights, in the darkness of its administrative and legislative agenda it was authorizing and devising the most devious mechanism of torture to “subjects” of its occupied territories.

However, with the subsequent passage of time, and the coming of age of the general acceptance of the equality of every individual, one would have expected that Britain had learnt something along the way and would willingly want to atone for its egregious colonial sins, especially when they were clearly pointed out, as happened with initiation of the Mau Mau Veterans’ case. No. That is giving too much credit to the magnanimity of Britain which has chosen to fight the Mau Mau case using questionable tactics and bald defences. Regardless, it is unfortunate and extremely opportunistic that the British government has pushed this case thus far. But even more irritating is the nature of the primary defence that the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), the principal respondent on the case, plans to marshal with the hope that it can deny the Mau Mau veterans any compensation.Simply, the FCO defence is one of state succession. In essence, its primary argument is that the current Kenya State that was born out of independence in 1963 inherited the liabilities of the British Colonial rulers, including those occasioned by torture and serious human rights abuse of Mau Mau and other Kenyans by British soldiers and its agents during the colonial times. The FCO argues that the Mau Mau veterans ought to claim damages or compensation for the torture and other abuse they received from the British colonialist and their agents from the current Kenya government.

The law of state succession has largely been used negatively against newly independent states. Under state succession law newly independent states are forced to assume liabilities and contractual deals entered to by colonial powers and were expected to fully service those liabilities regardless of the circumstances under which they were entered.This succession of liabilities is the core reason that has tethered the abilities of some countries to make any meaningful progress following their independence from colonial powers since the countries end up spending most of their income servicing debts, most of which had terms that were extremely skewed against the new independent States. This is the situation prevailing Haiti, which has spent most of its independence life trying to service a bottomless debt it inherited from France.Britain should not, with any seriousness or iota of integrity expect to legitimately invoke the defence of state succession to defend the Mau Mau case. Reason: there cannot be any contract to torture or to cause serious human rights violations such as those visited on Mau Mau veterans by the British colonial rulers and their agents.

How can Britain argue that the current Kenya state is the proper party to compensate the Mau Mau veterans for the damages arising from the acts of the colonialists? How could this be when the harm of torture perpetrated on the veterans was done primarily to subjugate those perceived to engage in uprising against British colonial rule in Kenya? How in law could the current Kenya government be responsible for excessive acts of torture of Mau Mau by the British colonialists and their agents when those heinous acts were orchestrated in order to enforce the British colonial agenda in Kenya? The simple, correct and moral answer is that law cannot recognize such a befuddled argument.I hope that justice will be done for these elderly claimants who have carried, for a lifetime, the physical and emotional yokes of the harm they suffered because of standing up against the injustices and excesses of the British colonial government.While they do so trying to stand tall, it is hard to miss in them the fault lines caused by years of the pangs of traumatic experiences occasioned by the beastly treatment they received from Britain. It is time Britain owned up to its colonial sins and stopped the endless spiral of traumatizing these veterans through a vexatious litigation which is predicated on a frivolous defence of state succession.

*Waikwa Wanyoike is a lawyer based in Nairobi.

April 6, 2011

National Cohesion and Integration Commission-Commission Of Idiots

According to the NCIC ,Kenya is facing a crisis of tribalism after the first ethnic audit of the civil service revealed that the five big communities occupy nearly 70 percent of all government jobs. The survey undertaken by the National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) gave shocking details of how political patronage and personality-based leadership had reduced the civil service into an exclusive club of the big communities at the expense of the so called small communities.(Wonder how they concluded the political part since majority in civil service have no political god fathers and are there by virtue of education)

According to the survey, members of the Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Luhya, Kamba and Luo communities occupy 70 per cent of all jobs in the civil service. The Kikuyu lead the pack with 22.3 per cent of all civil service jobs, followed by the Kalenjin (16.7 per cent), Luhya (11.3 per cent), Kamba (9.7 per cent), Luo (9.0 per cent) and Kisii (6.8 per cent). The so-called small communities are at the tail end of the survey, with over twenty having less than one per cent of their population in the civil service. In fact, seven of them have less than 100 members in the civil service each.

Among those communities who have less than one per cent of their populations in the civil service include the Teso (0.9 per cent), Samburu (0.6 per cent), Pokomo (0.6 per cent), Kuria (0.5 per cent), and Mbeere (0.5 per cent) among others.The audit reveals that the Kikuyu constitute the largest single dominant ethnic group in all ministries and departments, with the exception of the Office of the Prime Minister and the Police and Prisons departments.

In my view it is unfortunate we have commissioners who habor such kind of reasoning.(What is the cumulative IQ of people who work in this commission) The Kenyan civil service has to have ethnicity because all kenyans come from somewhere. What is the point of publishing such a report? Wouldn’t a report of the academic qualifications of government employees been more helpful in public sector service delivery improvement ? What is the point of telling us the tribe of those who provide our services? Call me  what you want but I am yet to meet a kenyan who cares what tribe a government employee providing a service comes from. What kenyans want is just good service ! Yes we should fight negative ethnicity/tribalism but why the onslaught on  ethnicity/tribal heritage. There is nothing wrong with 70% dominance if the said tribes are 70% of population.It only makes perfect sense! Even if you ignore other factors such as community literacy,graduation rates,access to education amongst different communities  as a perfectly good explanation for the discrepancies There is nothing wrong with having a civil service dominated by kikuyus (22%)Since Kikuyus are 23% of the population.

We must seek lasting solutions to the complex problems Kenya faces. Simplistic solutions have never solved complex problems. It is a shame that this commission continues to exist .If we want to build a stable nation let as address the issues affecting the Teso (0.9 per cent), Samburu (0.6 per cent), Pokomo (0.6 per cent), Kuria (0.5 per cent), and Mbeere (0.5 per cent) among others in health,security,education.Doesnt the commission know that access to education, university graduation rates and literacy  affects inadmissibility in securing civil service jobs ? We can not expect equal balance when communities in kenya still do not have access to the aforementioned .

Read more stories on Muigwithania 2.0 bashing the NCIC:

http://muigwithania.com/2010/06/18/kenya-hate-speech-vs-free-speech/

http://muigwithania.com/2010/06/16/national-cohesion-and-integration-commissionkenyan-cesspool-of-mediocrity/

April 6, 2011

British War Crimes In Kenya

A Government ‘cover-up’ of one of the darkest episodes in British colonial history emerged yesterday on the eve of a High Court battle by veterans of  Kenya’s independence war.Around 300  boxes of documents ‘lost’ for almost half a century have been unearthed as four elderly Kenyans claim compensation for torture carried out against Mau Mau rebels.The Kenyans say they suffered ‘unspeakable acts of brutality, including castrations and severe sexual assault’ in  British-run detention camps during the rebellion against colonial rule between 1952 and 1960.

The 1,500 files –  documenting efforts to put down the Mau Mau guerrilla insurgency –  were spirited out of Africa on the eve of Kenya’s independence in 1963 and brought to Britain. The missing documents, with material that ‘might embarrass her Majesty’s Government’ removed, were thought to have been lost or destroyed.But after a High Court judge ordered the Government to produce all relevant evidence, the files – which filled 110ft of shelving – were found in the Foreign Office.They are expected to play a key role in the court action beginning tomorrow by Kenyan claimants who want a statement of regret from the Government and a welfare fund for victims. With at least 1,400 other former Mau Mau detainees still alive, Britain could face a multi-million-pound compensation bill if the Kenyans win their case.

Read more stories on Muigwithania on this issue: British Stories On Human Rights Abuses In Kenya

April 4, 2011

Uhuru In Nakuru

On Hate Speech Allegation

Bungoma speech in full

April 4, 2011

Dear Raila Odinga

Dear Sir,

Let me start by apologizing for addressing you through an open and public letter. I would have wanted to seek an appointment to meet you in your office which, laudably, you have managed to refurbish to the standards of an emperor’s royal palace. However, since you appear to have some insatiable affinity for publicity, I thought to give you free, unsolicited promotion by addressing you through an open letter.Bwana Prime Minister, this week must be really a special one for you. I have no doubt that come Thursday 7th April and Friday 8th April, your eyes will be glued to live TV coverage of the proceedings at the International Criminal Court at The Hague. I can imagine you will be surrounded by a coterie of your surrogates and sycophants. I can envision the number of Champagnes  that  will be popping  on that day, the hi-fives that will be exchanges, the hugs, the self-elation and self congratulations. I can see you making a short speech to your guests, thanking them, especially James Orengo, for a job very well done. I can even remotely hear you quoting the late Hon Kijana Wamalwa and saying, “Ladies and Gentlemen, our grand march to State House is now unstoppable”. As you sip into your finely brewed Chivas Regal, I imagine you will be reminiscing on how far you have come, and how the respectable doyen of opposition politics the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga must be happy from heaven, satisfied that you have fulfilled his dream of occupying the revered House on the Hill, State House.

Son of Adonijah, allow me to take you back, down the lane of memory. In your own approved biography, you have admitted plotting to violently overthrow a legitimate government of Kenya. As you celebrate your victory in scheming to drag your opponents to a foreign court, you must be counting it as yet another ‘minor’ collateral damage in your pursuit for power. After all, what is the ICC compared with your heroic attempt to grab power during the 1982 coup ?  It is reported that you wrote a thesis on the art and science of making nail bombs during your university days. Surely as you bomb the political terrain with one machination after another, this thesis must be coming in handy.Sir, if the late Hon Kijana Wamalwa was alive today, he would be telling the six innocent Kenyans you have conspired to take to The Hague that they are treading on a trodden path. In 1994, you meted untold violence on the late Wamalwa in your quest to take over control of FORD-Kenya after the passing away of your father. Your empty rhetoric nowadays can only be matched by the number of stones that were thrown by your supporters in Thika during that fateful FORD-Kenya elections day.

In 1997, you abandoned Mwai Kibaki, Kijana Wamalwa, and Charity Ngilu and joined Daniel Arap Moi after losing the election. True to your character of looking for short-cuts to power, you thought that you would be Moi’s successor automatically. When that did not happen, in 2002 you decided to shout “Kibaki Tosha” even though you knew very well that Kibaki was winning anyway. You must have reckoned that Kibaki is a softer target for you to overthrow. Within 24 months of that declaration, you were already planning a coup to remove Kibaki from State House and install yourself through the handpicked Bomas delegates.Jakom, you will recall that in the run up to the 2007 General Elections you used to tell Kenyans that the Kibaki government was mistreating the Kalenjin people by evicting them from Mau. Today, when it suits you, you have no qualms throwing women and children from the forest to create even more Internally Displaced Persons. I have no doubt in my mind, sir, that by your actions and utterances, by your designs and by default, the post-election violence that followed the 2007 General Elections was executed according to your script. As the losing Presidential candidate who refused to accept defeat or go to court, in the eyes of rightly thinking Kenyans, you were the root cause for the worst violence ever to befall our nation.

Today, the Kalenjin people who voted for you to the last man have become the objects of your never-ending machinations. I recall the camaraderie you used to have with Joshua Sang during the numerous times he hosted you in his morning show “ LEE NE EMET” or “What the World is saying. I am sure that to Sang there was only one World and his world was you, Hon Raila Odinga.  Today, Henry Kosgey is understandably still receiving shock therapy, having problems coming to terms to your betrayal of a man who served you so dedicatedly. The Hon William Ruto must be wondering what to tell all those people he convinced to name you Arap Mibei. Anyone with the surname Mibei today must be looking forward to an opportunity for cleansing.It is understandable Mr. Odinga to be bitter with everyone and the whole world after the many years of incarceration. In the fight for liberation of this country, many had to pay a heavy price including death, disability and even impotence.  However, Kenya is far more important than me and you. Those who fought for the independence of this country paid an even heavier price than you think you did. All these do not entitle one to automatic ticket to State House.

Sir, you style yourself as a reformer-par-excellence. Your actions however are no consistent with the reformist tag that you claim. Take for example the issue of nomination certificates for ODM in the 2007 General Elections and NARC in your strongholds during the 2002 General Elections. I have personally conducted a survey of what each candidate had to pay to get the certificate. The range is between Ksh 5 Million and Kshs 50 Million. There goes the fresh prince of democracy.Mr. Prime Minister, you would want the world to believe that you are the champion of the youth. In my native Central Province, before Hon Mututho came to our rescue, illicit brews were destroying a whole generation of young people. It is common knowledge that the Kisumu Molasses Plant is the principal supplier of most raw materials used to manufacture these brews. Your vision for the youth of this country is succinctly clear.Today most Kenyans dread and shudder with fear to imagine what an Odinga presidency would be like. Luckily, by your actions and utterances, you provide Kenyans with a sneak preview of how things would turn out. Most Kenyans have come to realize that you have one true friend, and that friend resides in your mirror. A trailer for the movie “Inside Raila’s Presidency” was shown in New York recently when Mrs. Ida Odinga forcibly removed a Cabinet Minister, Hon Naomi Shabaan from an official UN programme and installed herself in her place. Even in Luo Nyanza, talk is rife about the nepotism that continues to inform all your official appointments. This is double tragedy coming at a time when the community is finding itself more and more isolated as a result of your brand of politics. A lot of professionals from Luo Nyanza are worried that you may be taking the region back to the politics of 1966.

In conclusion, sir, let me assure you that I used to be your great admirer. You are a hardworking man if only that energy can be directed at constructive not destructive activities. The problem with you sir, is that most people perceive you as having a good brain but no soul. It is akin to having a computer with first class hardware but no software.

Bwana Prime Minister, going by the long history of suffering that Kenya has suffered courtesy of yourself, a significant number of Kenyans wonder whether you are truly the curse of Kenya. I still believe that there is still time to redeem yourself and debunk that notion.

Thank you Bwana Prime Minister.

Moses Kuria

April 3, 2011

Real Faith:Abidjan Residents

ABIDJAN, April 3 (Reuters) – Residents of Ivory Coast’s main city of Abidjan braved sporadic shooting and ventured out on Sunday to pray, get water and buy food after being trapped in their homes during three days of intense fighting.Forces loyal to incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo and those of his rival, presidential claimant Alassane Ouattara, have battled in Abidjan neighbourhoods but local people took advantage of a relative lull on Sunday.”Many people went to church to pray to God to stop the war in the country,” said Sylvie Monnet, a resident of Yopougon, a neighbourhood north of central Abidjan.

Some residents had little choice but to venture out. “We have nothing more to eat at home. I have just a single fresh fish at home and after that, I do not know what to do. It is really difficult,” Pamela Somda, a student told Reuters TV.Local people feared that violence in the five month crisis that has rekindled a 2002-2003 civil war could flare up again. “We are scared. We came out in the neighbourhood to see friends and buy food,” said Emile Kouassi in the Deux Plateaux district.

In the central business district, which is usually packed with shops and hawkers, Reuters TV crew saw a few women with bowls on their heads fetching water.The fighting has hit supplies to the city and traders reported shortages of basic necessities. “We ordered the goods but it has not yet come. We do not know when they will come,” said Sidi Mohamed Aida, a trader. “Suppliers said the routes are dangerous but if things were to calm down, they will send the supplies.”

*Editors note: I feel so bad.I didnt go to Church today yet in Abidjan, Christians stepped out of their homes in faith.Never again will I miss going to church when I can

April 3, 2011

Generational Change 2012

April 1, 2011

Stigmatization Of IDPs

For decades past, there has been a substantial population of Luos in Taita Taveta County. Most of them are descendants of labourers who were taken there to work in sisal plantations. Similarly, there used to be a considerable population of Luos in Kwale County descended from labourers who went there to work for the Ramisi Sugar Company. These however left when the sugar factory went into bankruptcy.As for Mombasa, there is barely a corner of it that does not have its “Kisumu Dogo”, this being a generic term for a zone within any estate heavily settled by Luos. These populations of ethnic Luos, many of whose children don’t speak their mother tongue, have rarely met with any hostility from the indigenous communities among whom they live.And in many General Elections, Luo voters in Mwatate and Taveta constituency in Taita Taveta County; and in Kisauni, Likoni, Changamwe and Mvita constituencies in Mombasa County; have been a much sought after “swing vote” by parliamentary candidates.Likewise in Lamu County, there is the township of Mpeketoni, which has a predominantly Kikuyu population. These are people settled here during the Kenyatta era, on what was known as the ‘Lake Kenyatta Settlement Scheme’. And they too have traditionally been a key voting bloc in that region much sought after by local Swahili and Bajuni politicians.

Reading the reports of the Maasai community activists who have vowed not to let any of the Rift Valley IDPs be settled in Mau Narok, where the government proposed to buy a 2,000 acre farm specifically for IDPs settlement, I thought of these historical details of coastal politics.For just a few weeks ago, there had been a very militant demonstration in Taita-Taveta County over much the same issue: the locals did not want any IDPs settled among them.And whether it be in Mau Narok or Taveta, when hostility is expressed towards these IDPs, what the locals really mean, of course, is that Kikuyus are unwelcome in their part of the country.’Consider then the plight of our fellow citizens, the Rift Valley IDPs. Not only have they been brutally evicted from their homes and farms, but even when the government tries to find alternative land for them, the local communities in the areas where land is available come up with one reason or another why these IDPs should not be settled in their midst.How do you explain this virulent opposition to the settlement of IDPS, and the fact that this opposition exists as much in the Rift Valley, as at the coast? Well, the answer of course is that we are still living with the consequences of the last General Election, and extreme stigmatization of the Kikuyu community which was at the center of the ODM strategy for defeating President Mwai Kibaki at the ballot box.What we are seeing at work here, is the power of destructive political narratives, once they get a firm hold on the minds and emotions of a people.

Although the ODM leaders did not engage in direct hate speech(Sic!-they did), the subtext of their campaign message was clear enough. It was that although the entire country had mobilised to support Kikuyu candidates during the 2002 General Election – in which candidates Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta were the clear frontrunners – when Kibaki was safely elected into the presidency, the Kikuyu closed ranks and proceeded to “eat alone”.Playing on historical fears of Kikuyu hegemony, the ODM painted Central Province as a land overflowing with milk and honey, and benefiting disproportionately from taxpayers’ money, while the rest of the country languished in poverty.None of this is in itself unusual. Some of the things that various American leaders have alleged about President Barack Obama, are far more virulent and misleading than anything the ODM leaders had to say about President Kibaki. Also, the ODM candidate, Raila Odinga for many years faced equally vicious stigmatization, with his rivals (mostly from Central Province) openly declaring that “a Luo can never be president of Kenya”.

Nonetheless, the profound and comprehensive stigmatizing of the Kikuyu community which the ODM leaders achieved in that election is what laid the foundation for the extreme hostility with which the prospect of IDP settlement has been met in so many quarters within the country.The key mass-rally-propagandists for the ODM in that last General Election were the PM Raila Odinga; Now that they have seen what their dangerous narrative of ethnic exclusion has brought to this country, I would say they each have a moral obligation to take the lead in the IDP resettlement process.


April 1, 2011

Western Union Service Goes High-Tech

People in Kenya have a new high-tech way to receive money, thanks to Englewood-based Western Union (NYSE: WU).The money transfer giant on Thursday announced that consumers now can send money directly to mobile “wallets” in Kenya from 45 countries and territories — the first service of its kind in the world, the company said.The service will use Western Union’s worldwide network for processing cross-border remittances, as well as M-PESA, a domestic mobile money-transfer service in Kenya that has attracted more than 13.5 million customers since its launch in 2007.“This service between Western Union and M-PESA shows a huge advancement for money transfer,” said Rebecca Loevenguth, director of strategic alliances for Western Union. “We recognized high mobile penetration in these markets, and a low number of people who used banks. We are adapting to meet customers’ needs through a new channel.”

The service will allow people to visit one of more than 80,000 Western Union agent locations in 45 countries and territories, and send funds directly to the mobile “wallets” of M-PESA’s subscribers. Funds generally are delivered in minutes, the company said.M-PESA has a license to operate its service from the Central Bank of Kenya.The ability to get money transfers on their mobile phones means that Kenyans in rural areas will have greater access to Western Union services, Loevenguth said.“We’ve been able to reach consumers who lived near our agent locations, but we may have been missing a huge segment that had an M-PESA account but weren’t using Western Union,” she said.

Kenyans use so-called mobile wallets, or money-transfer services, for cellphones, to shop, pay bills, save money and make person-to-person payments, Loevenguth said.The consumer sends a payment request via an SMS text message and a charge is applied to their online wallet.The Central Bank of Kenya reports that Kenyans living outside their home country sent $642 million home in 2010 — up from the $609 million in 2009.“The whole idea is to give senders and receivers multiple ways to send and receive,” Loevenguth said.

March 31, 2011

Peter Kenneth Now Slams Raila

Heavy traffic may delay player

March 31, 2011

Uhuru Muranga Speech Inspiring

Personally I think this speech will go down in history as the speech that propelled Uhuru Kenyatta from perceived project to leader in his own right.Not since Jomo Kenyatta stood on a podium with a microphone has a leader from Central Kenya given such an electifying speech.The funny thing is that-the very same speech has some who dont even understand Kikuyu fuming -possibly because Uhuru continues to give speeches in Kikuyu & I dont understand why you would be mad at that-his intended audience is Kikuyu. Anyway there was nothing wrong with the speech & if there was can someone please let me know!I am oblivious to what civil society has against the speech.That speech was very inspiring everyone in the stadium was moved by it and I can say 99.9% of the people agreed with every word that was said.

All politics is LOCAL If the locals loved the speech and were inspired by it .What more can one say? Neo liberalism maybe alive and kicking in some Nairobi estates and civil(evil)society board rooms but in the machinani (grassroots) as Americans say “That Dog Don’t Hunt” Uhuru was loud and clear !The message was delivered to its intended audience & recieved well.One of the best political speeches in a very long time. Uhuru has really come of age.We can finally even begin to think Jomo’s Shoes may not be big enough for him. Muigai is also a burning spear!

March 28, 2011

Uhuru:Muranga

 

 

March 28, 2011

Ugenya Worst CDF Performer

About Sh444 million Constituency Development Fund (CDF) money and Local Authority Transfer Fund (LATF) have been misappropriated in 28 constituencies and five local authoritiesAccording to a report, released on Monday by National Taxpayers’ Association, Ugenya Constituency, represented by Lands Minister James Orengo was the worst performer in utilization of the funds in the financial year 2007/2008.The Constituency is reported to have wasted Sh10.8 million of the Sh20.7 million awarded during the year under review. This represents 53 per cent of the amount awarded.(ODM chungwa moja- maisha bure)However, an individual who claimed he was representing the minister told NTA that the problem was inherited from the past leadership of the Constituency.

The second worst performer was Bumula Constituency, represented by Lands Assistant minister Bifwoli Wakoli, which misused Sh49.2 million of the Sh96.9 million disbursed to it. This represents 51 per cent of the disbursement.The third worst constituency was Kanduyi, represented by Alfred Khang’ati recording Sh52.6 million in wasted funds of the Sh120 million awarded. This represented 44 per cent of the funds disbursed.NTA National Coordinator, Mr Kizito Wangalwa said there is still a lot of taxpayers’ money being wasted calling on the citizens to be vigilant.”The citizens still remained dissatisfied with the use of taxpayers’ money. A lot is going to waste,” said Mr Kizito.NTA’s Communications Officer, Mr Davies Adieno said during their investigations they found out that most Kenyans are ignorant of the financial management of their money thus some leaders take advantage of this to misuse the taxes.

“We found out that some Kenyans are ignorant of how their taxes should be managed and some people have taken advantage to squander the money,” said Mr Adieno.One of thebest Constituency is Matuga, represented by Trade minister Chirau Ali Mwakwere, which recorded ShSh731,370 in misused funds. This represents four percent of the Sh19 million disbursed.On Local authorities Tana River County Council misused the most money at Sh3.7 million, out of the Sh7.6 million awarded.CDF constitute 2.5 per cent of the national ordinary revenue.

Complete Report -National Taxpayers’ Association

March 24, 2011

Loliondo:Childlike Faith

Eighty-one-year-old Scolastica Hussein tearfully bid goodbye to her beloved grandchildren at her splendid home on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, doubting whether she would ever reunite with them again.

Scolastica who had seriously battled with diabetes and blood pressure for nearly 23 years, was embarking on a journey to Samunge village — currently referred to as a new ‘Mecca of Africa’- to seek a miracle herbal healing administered by retired Lutheran pastor, Ambilikile Mwasapila in Loliondo, Ngorongoro District.Seventy-six-year-old Mwasapila administers a herbal concoction derived from an indigenous tree called mugariga, which has divine powers to treat diseases that include asthma, diabetes, blood pressure, cancer and HIV/Aids.After a good eight hours of anxiety and stress, she finally arrived in the presumed promised land of Samunge. Fortunately, her turn came and she got her single dose served from a cup.“The miracle medicine absolutely changed my life,” Scolastica told The Guardian on Sunday, adding: “My pressure and diabetes were up, but immediately after having taken the herbal cure, I felt fine”. She returned home a happier grandmother full of life, and praising God.

Childlike Faith

How does God (the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit) give us faith? It is usually through the preached word. “Faith comes from hearing the message, and the message is heard through the word of Christ” (Romans 10:17). The message is in the written word, the Bible, and it is in the spoken word, whether a sermon at church or a simple testimony of one person to another.The word of the gospel tells us about Jesus, the Word of God, and the Holy Spirit uses this word to enlighten us, and somehow allows us to trust ourselves to this word. This is sometimes called “the witness of the Holy Spirit,” but it is not like a courtroom witness we can ask questions of.

It is more like an internal switch inside us that is flipped, allowing us to accept the good news that is preached. It feels right. Though we may still have questions, we believe that we can live in this message. We can base our lives on it, we can make decisions based on it. It makes sense. It is the best possible choice.God gives us the ability to trust him. He also gives us the ability to grow in faith. The down payment of faith is a seed that grows. It prepares and enables our minds and our emotions to understand more and more of the gospel. It helps us understand more about God as he reveals himself to us in Jesus Christ. To use an Old Testament metaphor, we begin to walk with God. We live in him, think in him, and believe in him.

Doubts

But most Christians struggle with faith at some time or another. Our growth is not always smooth and steady—it comes through trials and questions. For some, doubts come because of a tragedy or severe suffering. For others, it is prosperity or good times that subtly tempt us to rely on material things instead of God. Many of us will face both sorts of challenges to our faith.Poor people often have stronger faith than rich people do. People beset by constant trials often know they have no hope except God, no choice but to trust him. Statistics show that poor people give a higher percentage of their income to the church than rich people do. It appears that their faith (even though not perfect) is more consistent.

The greatest enemy of faith, it seems, is when all goes well. People are tempted to think that it was by their strength or their intelligence that they achieved as much as they have. They lose their sense of child-like dependence on God. They rely on what they have, rather than on God.Poor people are in a better position to learn that life on this planet is full of questions, and God is the least questionable thing they have. They trust in him because all else has proven itself to be untrustworthy. Money, health, and friends are all fickle. We cannot depend on them.Only God is dependable, but even so, we don’t always have the evidence we would like. So we have to trust him. As Job said, even though he kills me, I will trust him (Job 13:15). Only he offers the hope of eternal life. Only he offers a hope that life makes any sense or has any purpose.But still, we sometimes wrestle with doubts. That is simply part of the process of growing in faith, of learning to trust God with yet more of life. We face the choices set before us and once again choose God as the best choice.

As Blaise Pascal said centuries ago, if we believe for no other reason, then at least we ought to believe because God is the best bet. If we follow him and he does not exist, then we have lost nothing. But if we do not follow him and he does exist, we have lost everything. So we have nothing to lose and everything to gain by believing in God, by living and thinking that he is the surest reality in the universe.This does not mean that we will understand everything. No, we will never understand everything. Faith means trusting in God even though we do not always understand. We can worship him even when we have doubts (Matthew 28:17). Salvation is not an intelligence contest. The faith that saves does not come from philosophical arguments that answer every doubt. Faith comes from God. If we rely on having answers to every question, we are not relying on God.

The only reason we can be in God’s kingdom is by grace, through faith in our Savior, Jesus Christ. If we rely on our obedience, or anything else that we do, then we are relying on the wrong thing, an unreliable thing. We need to re-form our faith (allowing God to re-form our faith) into Christ, and him alone. Works, even good works, cannot be the basis of our salvation. Obedience, even to the commands of Jesus, cannot be our source of assurance. Only Christ is trustworthy.As we grow in spiritual maturity, we often become more aware of our own sins, and our own sinfulness. We realize how far we are from Christ, and this can lead us to doubts, too, that God would really send his Son to die for people as perverse as we are.The doubt, no matter how real, should lead us back to greater faith in Christ, for only in him do we have any chance at all. There is no other place to go. In his words and his actions, we see that he knew quite well how perverse we were before he came to die for us. The better we see ourselves, the more we see the need to cast ourselves into the mercy of God. Only he is good enough to save us from ourselves, and only he will save us from our doubts.

Trust

When we realize that God has all power to do anything he wants, and that he always uses it for the good of humanity, then we can have absolute confidence that we are in good hands. He has both the ability and the stated purpose of working all things, including even our rebellion, hatred and betrayal against him and one another, toward our salvation. He is completely trustworthy—worthy of our trust.When we are in the midst of trials, sickness, suffering and even dying, we can be confident that God is still with us, that he cares for us, that he has everything under control. It may not look like it, and we certainly do not feel in control, but we can be confident that God isn’t caught off guard. He can and does redeem any situation, any misfortune, for our good.We need never doubt God’s love for us. “God demonstrates his own love for us in this: While we were still sinners, Christ died for us” (Romans 5:8). “This is how we know what love is: Jesus Christ laid down his life for us” (1 John 3:16). The God who did not spare his own Son can be counted on to give us through his Son everything we need for eternal happiness.

I believe Faith in God can heal -The Loliondo Wonder requires such Childlike faith!That God did indeed speak to Ambilikile Mwasapila in Loliondo and put His healing word in the roots of  a poisonous tree to heal anyone who chooses to believe his word can heal! If you dont have faith it will not work- such is the character of  faith

March 23, 2011

President Museveni On Libya

By the time Muammar Gadhaffi came to power in 1969, I was a third year university student at Dar-es-Salaam. We welcomed him because he was in the tradition of Col. Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt who had a nationalist and pan-Arabist position.Soon, however, problems cropped up with Col. Gaddhafi as far as Uganda and Black Africa were concerned:

1.Idi Amin came to power with the support of Britain and Israel because they thought he was uneducated enough to be used by them. Amin, however, turned against his sponsors when they refused to sell him guns to fight Tanzania. Unfortunately, Col. Muammar Gaddafi, without getting enough information about Uganda, jumped in to support Idi Amin. This was because Amin was a ‘Moslem’ and Uganda was a ‘Moslem country’ where Moslems were being ‘oppressed’ by Christians. Amin killed a lot of people extra-judicially and Gaddafi was identified with these mistakes. In 1972 and 1979, Gaddafi sent Libyan troops to defend Idi Amin when we attacked him. I remember a Libyan Tupolev 22 bomber trying to bomb us in Mbarara in 1979. The bomb ended up in Nyarubanga because the pilots were scared. They could not come close to bomb properly. We had already shot-down many Amin MIGs using surface-to-air missiles. The Tanzanian brothers and sisters were doing much of this fighting. Many Libyan militias were captured and repatriated to Libya by Tanzania. This was a big mistake by Gaddafi and a direct aggression against the people of Uganda and East Africa.

2.The second big mistake by Gaddafi was his position vis-à-vis the African Union (AU) Continental Government “now”. Since 1999, he has been pushing this position. Black people are always polite. They, normally, do not want to offend other people. This is called: ‘obufura’ in Runyankore, mwolo in Luo – handling, especially strangers, with care and respect. It seems some of the non-African cultures do not have ‘obufura’. You can witness a person talking to a mature person as if he/she is talking to a kindergarten child. “You should do this; you should do that; etc.” We tried to politely point out to Col. Gaddafi that this was difficult in the short and medium term. We should, instead, aim at the Economic Community of Africa and, where possible, also aim at Regional Federations. Col. Gaddafi would not relent. He would not respect the rules of the AU. Something that has been covered by previous meetings would be resurrected by Gaddafi. He would ‘overrule’ a decision taken by all other African Heads of State. Some of us were forced to come out and oppose his wrong position and, working with others, we repeatedly defeated his illogical position.

3.The third mistake has been the tendency by Col. Gaddafi to interfere in the internal affairs of many African countries using the little money Libya has compared to those countries. One blatant example was his involvement with cultural leaders of Black Africa – kings, chiefs, etc. Since the political leaders of Africa had refused to back his project of an African Government, Gaddafi, incredibly, thought that he could by-pass them and work with these kings to implement his wishes. I warned Gaddafi in Addis Ababa that action would be taken against any Ugandan king that involved himself in politics because it was against our Constitution. I moved a motion in Addis Ababa to expunge from the records of the AU all references to kings (cultural leaders) who had made speeches in our forum because they had been invited there illegally by Col. Gaddafi.

4.The fourth big mistake was by most of the Arab leaders, including Gaddafi to some extent. This was in connection with the long suffering people of Southern Sudan. Many of the Arab leaders either supported or ignored the suffering of the Black people in that country. This unfairness always created tension and friction between us and the Arabs, including Gaddafi to some extent. However, I must salute H.E. Gaddafi and H.E. Hosni Mubarak for travelling to Khartoum just before the Referendum in Sudan and advised H.E. Bashir to respect the results of that exercise.

5.Sometimes Gaddafi and other Middle Eastern radicals do not distance themselves sufficiently from terrorism even when they are fighting for a just cause. Terrorism is the use of indiscriminate violence – not distinguishing between military and non-military targets. The Middle Eastern radicals, quite different from the revolutionaries of Black Africa, seem to say that any means is acceptable as long as you are fighting the enemy. That is why they hijack planes, use assassinations, plant bombs in bars, etc. Why bomb bars? People who go to bars are normally merry-makers, not politically minded people. We were together with the Arabs in the anti-colonial struggle. The Black African liberation movements, however, developed differently from the Arab ones. Where we used arms, we fought soldiers or sabotaged infrastructure but never targeted non-combatants. These indiscriminate methods tend to isolate the struggles of the Middle East and the Arab world. It would be good if the radicals in these areas could streamline their work methods in this area of using violence indiscriminately.

These five points above are some of the negative points in connection to Col. Gaddafi as far as Uganda’s patriots have been concerned over the years. These positions of Col. Gaddafi have been unfortunate and unnecessary.

Nevertheless, Gaddafi has also had many positive points objectively speaking. These positive points have been in favour of Africa, Libya and the Third World. I will deal with them point by point:

1.Col. Gaddafi has been having an independent foreign policy and, of course, also independent internal policies. I am not able to understand the position of Western countries which appear to resent independent-minded leaders and seem to prefer puppets. Puppets are not good for any country. Most of the countries that have transitioned from Third World to First World status since 1945 have had independent-minded leaders: South Korea (Park Chung-hee), Singapore (Lee Kuan Yew), China People’s Republic (Mao Tse Tung, Chou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Marshal Yang Shangkun, Li Peng, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jing Tao, etc), Malaysia (Dr. Mahthir Mohamad), Brazil (Lula Da Silva), Iran (the Ayatollahs), etc. Between the First World War and the Second World War, the Soviet Union transitioned into an Industrial country propelled by the dictatorial but independent-minded Joseph Stalin. In Africa we have benefited from a number of independent-minded leaders: Col. Nasser of Egypt, Mwalimu Nyerere of Tanzania, Samora Machel of Mozambique, etc. That is how Southern Africa was liberated. That is how we got rid of Idi Amin. The stopping of genocide in Rwanda and the overthrow of Mobutu, etc., were as a result of efforts of independent-minded African leaders. Muammar Gaddafi, whatever his faults, is a true nationalist. I prefer nationalists to puppets of foreign interests. Where have the puppets caused the transformation of countries? I need some assistance with information on this from those who are familiar with puppetry. Therefore, the independent-minded Gaddafi had some positive contribution to Libya, I believe, as well as Africa and the Third World. I will take one little example. At the time we were fighting the criminal dictatorships here in Uganda, we had a problem arising of a complication caused by our failure to capture enough guns at Kabamba on the 6th of February, 1981. Gaddafi gave us a small consignment of 96 rifles, 100 anti-tank mines, etc., that was very useful. He did not consult Washington or Moscow before he did this. This was good for Libya, for Africa and for the Middle East. We should also remember as part of that independent-mindedness he expelled British and American military bases from Libya, etc.

2.Before Gaddafi came to power in 1969, a barrel of oil was 40 American cents. He launched a campaign to withhold Arab oil unless the West paid more for it. I think the price went up to US$ 20 per barrel. When the Arab-Israel war of 1973 broke out, the barrel of oil went to US$ 40. I am, therefore, surprised to hear that many oil producers in the world, including the Gulf countries, do not appreciate the historical role played by Gaddafi on this issue. The huge wealth many of these oil producers are enjoying was, at least in part, due to Gaddafi’s efforts. The Western countries have continued to develop in spite of paying more for oil. It, therefore, means that the pre-Gaddafi oil situation was characterized by super exploitation in favour of the Western countries.

3.I have never taken time to investigate socio-economic conditions within Libya. When I was last there, I could see good roads even from the air. From the TV pictures, you can even see the rebels zooming up and down in pick-up vehicles on very good roads accompanied by Western journalists. Who built these good roads? Who built the oil refineries in Brega and those other places where the fighting has been taking place recently? Were these facilities built during the time of the king and his American as well as British allies or were they built by Gaddafi? In Tunisia and Egypt, some youths immolated (burnt) themselves because they had failed to get jobs. Are the Libyans without jobs also? If so, why, then, are there hundreds of thousands of foreign workers? Is Libya’s policy of providing so many jobs to Third World workers bad? Are all the children going to school in Libya? Was that the case in the past – before Gaddafi? Is the conflict in Libya economic or purely political? Possibly Libya could have transitioned more if they encouraged the private sector more. However, this is something the Libyans are better placed to judge. As it is, Libya is a middle income country with GDP standing at US$ 89.03 billion. This is about the same as the GDP of South Africa at the time Mandela took over leadership in 1994 and it about 155 times the current size of GDP of Spain.

4.Gaddafi is one of the few secular leaders in the Arab world. He does not believe in Islamic fundamentalism that is why women have been able to go to school, to join the Army, etc. This is a positive point on Gaddafi’s side.

Coming to the present crisis, therefore, we need to point out some issues:

1.The first issue is to distinguish between demonstrations and insurrections. Peaceful demonstrations should not be fired on with live bullets. Of course, even peaceful demonstrations should coordinate with the Police to ensure that they do not interfere with the rights of other citizens. When rioters are, however, attacking Police stations and Army barracks with the aim of taking power, then, they are no longer demonstrators; they are insurrectionists. They will have to be treated as such. A responsible Government would have to use reasonable force to neutralize them. Of course, the ideal responsible Government should also be an elected one by the people at periodic intervals. If there is a doubt about the legitimacy of a Government and the people decide to launch an insurrection, that should be the decision of the internal forces. It should not be for external forces to arrogate themselves that role, often, they do not have enough knowledge to decide rightly. Excessive external involvement always brings terrible distortions. Why should external forces involve themselves? That is a vote of no confidence in the people themselves. A legitimate internal insurrection, if that is the strategy chosen by the leaders of that effort, can succeed. The Shah of Iran was defeated by an internal insurrection; the Russian Revolution in 1917 was an internal insurrection; the Revolution in Zanzibar in 1964 was an internal insurrection; the changes in Ukraine, Georgia, etc., all were internal insurrections. It should be for the leaders of the Resistance in that country to decide their strategy, not for foreigners to sponsor insurrection groups in sovereign countries. I am totally allergic to foreign, political and military involvement in sovereign countries, especially the African countries. If foreign intervention is good, then, African countries should be the most prosperous countries in the world because we have had the greatest dosages of that: slave trade, colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, etc. All those foreign imposed phenomena have, however, been disastrous. It is only recently that Africa is beginning to come up partly because of rejecting external meddling. External meddling and the acquiescence by Africans into that meddling have been responsible for the stagnation in Africa. The wrong definition of priorities in many of the African countries is, in many cases, imposed by external groups. Failure to prioritize infrastructure, for instance, especially energy, is, in part, due to some of these pressures. Instead, consumption is promoted. I have witnessed this wrong definition of priorities even here in Uganda. External interests linked up, for instance, with internal bogus groups to oppose energy projects for false reasons. How will an economy develop without energy? Quislings and their external backers do not care about all this.

2.If you promote foreign backed insurrections in small countries like Libya, what will you do with the big ones like China which has got a different system from the Western systems? Are you going to impose a no-fly-zone over China in case of some internal insurrections as happened in Tiananmen Square, in Tibet or in Urumqi?

3.The Western countries always use double standards. In Libya, they are very eager to impose a no-fly-zone. In Bahrain and other areas where there are pro-Western regimes, they turn a blind eye to the very same conditions or even worse conditions. We have been appealing to the UN to impose a no-fly-zone over Somalia so as to impede the free movement of terrorists, linked to Al-Qaeda, that killed Americans on September 11th, killed Ugandans last July and have caused so much damage to the Somalis, without success. Why? Are there no human beings in Somalia similar to the ones in Benghazi? Or is it because Somalia does not have oil which is not fully controlled by the western oil companies on account of Gaddafi’s nationalist posture?

4.The Western countries are always very prompt in commenting on every problem in the Third World – Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, etc. Yet, some of these very countries were the ones impeding growth in those countries. There was a military coup d’état that slowly became a Revolution in backward Egypt in 1952. The new leader, Nasser, had ambition to cause transformation in Egypt. He wanted to build a dam not only to generate electricity but also to help with the ancient irrigation system of Egypt. He was denied money by the West because they did not believe that Egyptians needed electricity. Nasser decided to raise that money by nationalizing the Suez Canal. He was attacked by Israel, France and Britain. To be fair to the USA, President Eisenhower opposed that aggression that time. Of course, there was also the firm stand of the Soviet Union at that time. How much electricity was this dam supposed to produce? Just 2000 mgws for a country like Egypt!! What moral right, then, do such people have to comment on the affairs of these countries?

5.Another negative point is going to arise out of the by now habit of the Western countries over-using their superiority in technology to impose war on less developed societies without impeachable logic. This will be the igniting of an arms race in the world. The actions of the Western countries in Iraq and now Libya are emphasizing that might is “right.” I am quite sure that many countries that are able will scale up their military research and in a few decades we may have a more armed world. This weapons science is not magic. A small country like Israel is now a super power in terms of military technology. Yet 60 years ago, Israel had to buy second-hand fouga magister planes from France. There are many countries that can become small Israels if this trend of overusing military means by the Western countries continues.

6.All this notwithstanding, Col. Gaddafi should be ready to sit down with the opposition, through the mediation of the AU, with the opposition cluster of groups which now includes individuals well known to us – Ambassador Abdalla, Dr. Zubeda, etc. I know Gaddafi has his system of elected committees that end up in a National People’s Conference. Actually Gaddafi thinks this is superior to our multi-party systems. Of course, I have never had time to know how truly competitive this system is. Anyway, even if it is competitive, there is now, apparently, a significant number of Libyans that think that there is a problem in Libya in terms of governance. Since there has not been internationally observed elections in Libya, not even by the AU, we cannot know what is correct and what is wrong. Therefore, a dialogue is the correct way forward.

7.The AU mission could not get to Libya because the Western countries started bombing Libya the day before they were supposed to arrive. However, the mission will continue. My opinion is that, in addition, to what the AU mission is doing, it may be important to call an extra-ordinary Summit of the AU in Addis Ababa to discuss this grave situation.

8.Regarding the Libyan opposition, I would feel embarrassed to be backed by Western war planes because quislings of foreign interests have never helped Africa. We have had a copious supply of them in the last 50 years – Mobutu, Houphouet Boigny, Kamuzu Banda, etc. The West made a lot of mistakes in Africa and in the Middle East in the past. Apart from the slave trade and colonialism, they participated in the killing of Lumumba, until recently, the only elected leader of Congo, the killing of Felix Moummie of Cameroon, Bartholomew Boganda of Central African Republic, the support for UNITA in Angola, the support for Idi Amin at the beginning of his regime, the counter-revolution in Iran in 1953, etc. Recently, there has been some improvement in the arrogant attitudes of some of these Western countries. Certainly, with Black Africa and, particularly, Uganda, the relations are good following their fair stand on the Black people of Southern Sudan. With the democratization of South Africa and the freedom of the Black people in Southern Sudan, the difference between the patriots of Uganda and the Western Governments had disappeared. Unfortunately, these rush actions on Libya are beginning to raise new problems. They should be resolved quickly.

Therefore, if the Libyan opposition groups are patriots, they should fight their war by themselves and conduct their affairs by themselves. After all, they easily captured so much equipment from the Libyan Army, why do they need foreign military support? I only had 27 rifles. To be puppets is not good.

9.The African members of the Security Council voted for this Resolution of the Security Council. This was contrary to what the Africa Peace and Security Council had decided in Addis Ababa recently. This is something that only the extra-ordinary summit can resolve.

10.It was good that certain big countries in the Security Council abstained on this Resolution. These were: Russia, China, Brazil, India, etc. This shows that there are balanced forces in the world that will, with more consultations, evolve more correct positions.

11.Being members of the UN, we are bound by the Resolution that was passed, however rush the process. Nevertheless, there is a mechanism for review. The Western countries, which are most active in these rush actions, should look at that route. It may be one way of extricating all of us from possible nasty complications. What if the Libyans loyal to Gaddafi decide to fight on? Using tanks and planes that are easily targeted by Mr. Sarkozy’s planes is not the only way of fighting. Who will be responsible for such a protracted war? It is high time we did more careful thinking.

Yoweri K. Museveni
PRESIDENT OF UGANDA

March 22, 2011

Ivory Coast’s ‘Young Patriots’ Volunteer To Fight

One Million Strong

As fighting intensifies between forces loyal to the two men who both claim to be Ivory Coast’s rightful president, thousands of young supporters of the contested incumbent say they will join the army to “liberate” their country.The would-be recruits are responding to a call that many fear increases the likelihood of renewed civil war, and a growing humanitarian crisis, following November’s contested election.For almost four months, Ivory Coast has been paralyzed by a political tug-of-war between disputed President Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, internationally recognized as president-elect.In Abidjan, the chant and response at the army’s headquarters Monday morning went: “We’re ready to kill. Those little rebels are going to die. Would you like a Kalashnikov rifle?”Hundred of Thousands of men — most young, but some older — and a few young women gathered to enlist in the armed forces. Known as Young Patriots, they are followers of Charles Ble Goude, the man they call their streetwise general. He is the fiery youth minister in Gbagbo’s government.

‘We’re Suffering’

At a mass rally over the weekend, Ble Goude urged his Young Patriots to sign up, asking: “Are you ready to fight to liberate your country?”Thousands of his supporters said yes. “Let’s free our country,” they chanted.”We don’t lead the country with militia. We don’t need to kill people that we want to lead. My appeal is to the Young Patriots for them to be enrolled in the army to defend the country,” Ble Goude says, adding that many are rushing to enlist.”I ask all the youth of Ivory Coast, who feel able, who are ready to die for their motherland, who can no longer accept the humiliation suffered by Ivory Coast, to present themselves to the army chief of staff, in order to free our country from these ruffians,” he says.Jo Nicole, 23, is one of the few women to join the thousands of men who answered Ble Goude’s call and lined up Monday to join the army. She says she’s doing it for her young son.”I’ve never taken up arms in my life, but we’re suffering,” she says. “Our country has been attacked by rebels and terrorists. We need to free this country. I’m not afraid. I’m going carry a [Kalashnikov] and liberate my country.”


March 21, 2011

Obama:The Nobel Laureate

The 2009 Nobel Peace Prize winner has: raised troop levels in Afghanistan; increased the number of drone attacks in Pakistan; kept the terrorist detention center in Guantanamo Bay fully intact, and; now bombed Libya.



March 16, 2011

Social Failure

The uprising that began in Egypt on January 25 and concluded more than 18 days later with the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak — a dictator who clung tenaciously to power for 30 years — has been rightfully celebrated as an historic turning point in international politics. But the meaning of the “revolution” remains far from decided. The cries for freedom that echoed from Tahrir Square carried more than just a demand for political liberty; Egyptians rose up not only against tyranny, but against the neoliberal economic order that has generated hunger, poverty, and profound inequality in Egypt for so long. Over the past couple of decades, the Mubarak regime — with the help of the United States — implemented a battery of macroeconomic reforms that shifted wealth and power to the upper socioeconomic strata of the population. The consequences have been devastating. The privatization of public services has put education and healthcare out of reach for many, and the elimination of subsidies and tariff barriers has undermined local businesses and driven up unemployment rates. At the same time, labor standards have been eviscerated and the tax burden shifted from the rich to the poor, which has strangled wage earners to the point of desperation.

Whose freedom is it?
These issues have been almost entirely obscured by the narrative of political freedom that has framed the revolution thus far. The irony in this is that the rhetoric of freedom is precisely the facade that the Mubarak regime used to justify the neoliberal transformation of Egypt in the first place. Market deregulation has been propped up in place of meaningful human freedom, largely according to a playbook provided by the United States and implemented by USAid.

Since Mubarak assumed power in 1981, the United States has granted more than $60-billion in aid to Egypt. It is common to point out that most of this money has been transferred in the form of military aid — $1,3-billion per year since the Camp David Accords in 1979 — designed to help Egypt purchase American equipment like tanks and teargas canisters. But, perhaps even more importantly, the United States has also dispensed an average of $815-million per year in economic assistance, distributed by USAid’s 300-person office in Cairo in the name of promoting “market freedom”.

Technically, this money is supposed to support initiatives that “reduce poverty,” “create jobs”, and “promote regional stability”. But a closer look shows that the overriding policy objective is to pry open the Egyptian economy for the benefit of US business with little regard for the well-being of the people. In 1991 — a watershed moment in Egypt’s economic history — Mubarak signed structural adjustment agreements with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which were reinforced the following year by USAid’s Sector Policy Reform Programme in a move that brought the total amount of disbursements for economic liberalization to $2.3bn.

In 1994, USAid underwrote the US-Egypt Partnership for Economic Growth and Development — led by then-vice-president Al Gore — which sought to reshuffle the Egyptian Cabinet and appoint a new Prime Minister, Kamal Ganzouri, who would endorse a neoliberal vision of private, export-oriented growth. When the proposed new leaders assumed power in 1996, USAid praised them in a statement to Congress, which read: “The new Cabinet is committed to liberalising the economy by deregulating the trade sector, increasing competition in the financial sector and accelerating the pace of privatisation.”

Give and take
To keep this process moving, USAid gave $200-million each year to the Egyptian government in handouts to encourage “the achievement of policy reform measures” such as “continuing reduction in tariffs” and the privatisation of 314 government-owned companies. An additional 25% of the USAid budget has traditionally been disbursed through the Commodity Import Programme to help Egypt buy American-made goods and reinforce bilateral trade. For the Egyptian people, however, the downside of these initiatives is that they undercut local manufactures, encourage foreign monopolies, and ultimately contribute to unemployment, which has risen to 25% in recent years and reaches as high as 30% among the young.

As a condition for this aid, USAid required Egypt to shift its formidable agricultural capacity away from staple foods and toward export crops such as cotton, grapes, and strawberries in order to generate foreign currency to pay off its burgeoning debt to the US. USAid first began to facilitate this process in the 1980s through its Agricultural Mechanisation Project, which was designed to develop the productive capacity of Egyptian export agriculture by financing the purchase of American machinery. In the end — despite USAid’s projections to the contrary — the programme did very little to help common farmers. Instead, it disproportionately benefitted the few large landholders who could afford to take out the loans, while slashing the demand for agricultural labour and causing rural wages to plummet.

To propel the transformation to export-led agriculture, USAid has forced the Egyptian government to heavily tax the production of staples by local farmers and to eliminate subsidies on essential consumer goods like sugar, cooking oil, and dairy products in order to make room for US competition. To ameliorate the resulting food gap, USAid’s so-called “Food for Peace” programme has provided billions of dollars of loans for Egypt to import subsidised grain from the US, which has further undercut local farmers. The result of all of this “agricultural reform” has been an unprecedented spike in food prices followed by widespread hunger and malnutrition, which helped to spark the recent uprising.

On the public services front, USAid has called for the implementation of so-called “cost-recovery” mechanisms, a euphemism for transforming public healthcare and education into private, fee-based institutions. Indeed, USAid has spent nearly half of its health and education budgets — more than $100-million per year — on privatisation measures. This has been fantastic for multinational medical companies, as it translates into greater dependence on imported drugs and equipment. For Egyptians, however, privatisation means having to pay large sums on healthcare and education, to the point where such expenditures — as a percentage of household income — now rank at the second and third highest in the world, respectively.

Making matters worse, as USAid pressures the government to cut spending on public services, the wages of workers in hospitals and schools, for example, have not keep up with inflation, causing deep income deficits among working-class households.All of this gets obscured by the rhetoric that USAid deploys. According to its website, USAid claims to have helped Egypt become a “success story in economic development”, citing “improvements” in the quality of education, “the administration of justice” and “access to justice for disadvantaged groups”. Egypt’s vigorous market liberalisation programme has attracted foreign investment and boosted GDP growth, but these gains have only benefited the very rich, while the country’s bottom quintiles have seen their portion of the economic pie shrink significantly over the same period.

US-backed social failure
By any measure that takes the well-being of everyday Egyptian’s seriously, US development policy in Egypt has been an utter failure. According to the UN Human Development Index, Egypt’s ranking has plunged to 123rd, which puts it just below Guatemala, and tenth place in the Arab Middle East, just one notch above Yemen. But in terms of its actual objectives, namely, market deregulation designed to benefit US companies, US economic aid to Egypt has been a rousing success, for the Egyptian economy has turned out to be exactly how the State Department intended. Ironically, however, the neoliberal shocks of the past few decades generated immense social instability that has ultimately undermined US interests in the region.

Unfortunately, much of this background has been lost in the media coverage of the uprising. Indeed, the prevailing narrative of “liberty” and “freedom” within which the revolution has been defined is vulnerable to predation by neoliberal ideologues, who are already beginning to leverage it to call for further market deregulation. Ken Ellis, the director of USAid Egypt, has made use of this rhetoric in the past, claiming: “There is a correlation between strong, vibrant, open economies, and a strong, vibrant, open political system.” History has, of course, given lie to this longstanding fantasy. As the US-backed Mubarak regime illustrated, economic liberalisation is not only happily compatible with political repression, it actually encourages it by concentrating wealth and power in the hands of fewer and fewer people, whose interests become ever more narrowly defined. For the vast majority of people, there is nothing “freeing” about “market freedom”.

The revolution has yet to begin. And the protesters who continued to occupy Tahrir Square well after Mubarak’s departure knew this all too well. It was not just tyranny that drove millions of desperate Egyptians into the streets across the country: it was a profoundly unjust economic order manipulated by US interests and opportunistic local elites. This is especially true of the workers who have protested Mubarak’s economic policies since the first wave of labor strikes began in 2006, though their voices — absent from Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube — have been drowned out by their youthful, more tech-savvy counterparts. Theirs has never been merely a struggle for democracy, but for an economic order designed to protect the well-being of every Egyptian — a call for the radical rethinking of neoliberal capitalism. If the latter is harsher on the ears of American policymakers than the former, that is exactly the point.

March 16, 2011

SA Tourism Boost From’The Bachelor’

The Bachelor’s Brad Womack may have given Emily Maynard his heart and Chantal O’Brien the boot duringlast night’s finale of the popular ABC series, but South African tourism promoters are hoping they’ll be the real winners.Womack proposed to Maynard after a string of exotic dates that included a helicopter ride at the blustery Cape of Good Hope and an encounter with great white sharks on Dyer Island – where, apparently, the ability to ooh and ahh over about-to-be-eaten fur seals, hold her own in a shark cage and look good in a wetsuit weren’t enough for plucky O’Brien.

Meanwhile, globetrotters who want to jump start their own adrenaline-fueled romances can book” The Bachelor Ultimate South Africa Getaway,” a 10 day/7 night package that includes round-trip airfare from New York or Washington and flights within South Africa, four nights at Cape Town’s One&Only hotel, a full day shark dive excursion in Gansbaai, three nights at the Lion Sands River Lodge, and other extras. Package rates start at $6,875 per person, including airline taxes and fuel surcharges.

By Laura Bly
In 2010 South Africa saw more than 8 million tourist arrivals to the country compared to just over 7 million in 2009.2011 is expected to be a better year .

March 15, 2011

Judge Hans-Peter Kaul-Minority Ruling On Ocampo 6 PDF

March 15, 2011

Next Post

March 15, 2011

Security Council Chain Letter

(Actual letter sent to the U.K permanent representative to the United Nations.)


Permanent Representative: H.E. Sir John Sawers
Deputy Permanent Representative: Mr. Philip Parham
Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the United Nations
One Dag Hammarskjold Plaza, 885 Second Avenue
P.O. Box 5238
New York, NY 10017
Ph. +1 (212) 745-9200
Fax. +1 (212) 745-9316
E-mail: uk@un.int
Website: http://ukun.fco.gov.uk/en/

AI Index: MDE 14/028/2011 (Public)

News Service No: 141

Letter dated 15th of March 2011 to the Secretary-General & the International Community of White People(excluding the Russians) on the Security Council.

Dear Ambassador(s),

Seems like everyone  in Kenya is writing to the U.N Security Council. So why not? This chain letter was originally started by the Orange Democratic Party(ODM) in the hope of bringing relief and happiness to tired Nyanza politicians.The Letter also hopes to divert attention from the fact that 60% of Kenyans support the ICC but 95% think Ocampo’s list is incomplete.

Unlike most chain letters, this one will not cost you any money or promise good health and success. It is simply a letter to aid you in your global conspiracy to install Raila Odinga as CEO of Kenya next year.So please send a copy of this letter to your fellow european or white ambassadors on the security council and other international friends of ODM [NGO's] we might have missed who are equally tired and involved in this intricate global conspiracy. (please exclude the Russians – they never cooperate on such issues)Then bundle up all  letters and send them to the media with the name  that appears at the top of the list, and don’t forget to  add your name to the bottom of it.

When your name comes to the top of the list, you will receive sensational press coverage in one of our local Kenyan newspapers preferably the now ODM-friendly Daily Nation.It will of course be accompanied by a brief cooked up analysis of how our letters sunk our current Vice President and sworn Raila nemesis Hon Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka. Also note that the chain will continue until everyones name gets to the top of the list  and we all get free press coverage.

Have Faith “Dont break the Chain !!!!”.We hope to see you on the front page very soon!

Regards,

One very bored Kenyan

P.S  We only wrote this letter when we realized that it was fashionable for any Tom, Dick and Harry in Kenya to pen off a letter to members of the Security Council.

cc.

Ambassador: H.E. Susan E. Rice
Ambassador: H.E. Mr. Alejandro Daniel Wolff
Permanent Mission of the United States to the United Nations

Permanent Representative: H.E. Mr. Jean-Maurice Ripert
Deputy Permanent Representative: Mr. Jean-Pierre Lacroix
Permanent Mission of France to the United Nations

March 15, 2011

Authority Abusers

Many times [people in position who drink authority] can’t hold their liquor.  As they first begin to grow tipsy with their new-found authority, these abusers succumb to the most natural inclination in the world—they want another drink!  In short order, their priorities become disorganized, and they begin to focus on the kinds of things that will advance them in the eyes of the people over them.  This self-centered focus (that’s pride) is the same attitude that led Lucifer to rebel against God. By the time a person is this “drunk” on authority, they no longer care about the purpose for which they were given authority in the first place.  Lucifer forgot all about leading in the worship of Jehovah.

(Excerpt taken from a book authored by Bishop George G. Bloomer entitled  Authority Abusers; released July 17, 2002 by Whitaker House Publishing at the Christian Bookseller’sAssociation).

About the Author

Bishop George G. Bloomer is a native of Brooklyn, New York. Now residing
in Durham, North Carolina, with his wife and two daughters, he is the founder and senior pastor of Bethel Family Worship Center. As a product of humble beginnings, he has climbed the ladder of success and now uses those learning experiences as priceless tools for empowering others to excel beyond the boundaries of physical limitations. Today, Bloomer not only pastors, but he can be heard speaking weekly throughout the country and abroad to Christian and secular society on various topics of interest. Bishop Bloomer holds a degree of Doctor of Religious Arts in Christian Psychology and conducts many seminars dealing with relationships, finances, stress management, and spiritual warfare. –This text refers to the Hardcover edition
March 15, 2011

The Absurdity Of Imperialism

Ivory Coast-The Absurdity Of Imperialism: The worst case scenario, outside armed intervention, having apparently been ruled out, now we see the strategy of the absurd unfurling unafraid of contradictions. We are being promised an “economic and financial strangulation” of the Ivory Coast: ban on the exportation of cocoa, banks banned from “cooperating” with the regime of Laurent Gbagbo, ban on the payment of the salaries of civil servants and soldiers, freeze on the assets of individuals and national and private companies, restrictions on travel, just so many measures whose legality is at the very least doubtful. With the unfolding of this strategy with clearly pernicious designs for the entire country and its inhabitants, it is legitimate to wonder whether this zeal is solely the result of the electoral dispute surrounding the presidential election of November 28, 2010. For that being the case, one might quite simply expect the end of the mission of the African Union whose recommendations are supposed to be binding. In the eyes of the French government, the “great arranger” of this zealous campaign of sanctions, how important is it basically whether Laurent Gbagbo or Alassane Ouattara is the winner of the election? But for Nicolas Sarkozy, who has made it his personal affair… who knows? Result: French diplomacy in Africa continues to be caught up in confusion of personal interests, networks and logic of the State.

The sanctions targeting individuals and Ivorian companies (and even the credentials of ambassadors) that have been imposed by the European countries, Canada and the United States will crumble, this is my personal conviction, as soon as they are brought before the courts. For these sanctions are grounded in the refusal to recognize the president said to have been “elected” and to work for him. Yet any judge guided by his “soul and conscience” would above all else ask to examine the Ivorian Constitution before coming to a decision. And since this Constitution has never been suspended by any resolution of the United Nations Security Council, it would be the sole rightful source of authority for the judge.Apart from the measures taken by the thirty or so countries mentioned above, the only other actions taken against the Ivory Coast and the inhabitants of the country have come from the seven other countries of the Economic and Monetary Union of West Africa (EMUWA) and from Alassane Ouattara himself.

The withdrawal of the international signature at the level of the Central Bank of West African States (CBWAS) led to the suspension of mechanisms of interbank compensation and possibly the provisional closing of many banks, impeding clients’ access to their bank accounts. We risk facing serious violations of human rights in the coming future, for which these banks will be held responsible if their clients are unable to care for sick family members, feed their children properly, pay salaries in keeping with labour laws. It would be wise for nongovernmental organisations and lawyers not to delay in setting to work actively to document accurately all the individual cases of human rights violations for the purpose of subsequent legal action before national, regional or international courts.

The temporary ban proclaimed by Alassane Ouattara on the exportation of cocoa beans is especially going to suit speculators who made purchases ahead of time and are going to profit from the surge in prices. In particular, the Armajaro company of the trader Anthony Ward, which in July 2010 acquired 240,000 tons cocoa, totalling 20% of Ivorian production and 15% of the world’s stocks. This company invested 1 billion dollars and will profit substantially from it just as a consequence of this decision by Alassane Ouattara, whose 35 year old stepson, Loïc Folloroux, is none other than Anthony Ward’s director for Africa . Pure coincidence, needless to say. As for Ivorian producers and merchants… who cares about them? The goal is rather to “strangle” them!Strangling consists in stopping the breath by suffocation, in other words in killing. But who is going to be killed? Laurent Gbagbo or the Ivory Coast? Who will be the killer? And why? Aren’t there any other alternatives? Or is it a question of imposing Alassane Ouattara at all costs, no matter what the true outcome of the election might otherwise be? And of doing so without waiting for the conclusions of the mission of the African Union.

Let us suppose for a minute that upon verification it is found that Alassane Ouattara did not win the elections? Would that be in the realm of the impossible or utterly off the track? What is the source of this unshakeable certitude concerning Alassane Ouattara’ victory? The proclamation of the outcome by the President of the independent electoral commission (CEI)? We know that there was no consensus within a CEI which was, moreover, barred. The certification by the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations? His haste and the lack of respect for the procedures unfortunately tarnished his certification. Whence a legitimate doubt in the minds of many. As long as we have any doubt, the least doubt, it would be disgraceful to allow a fellow country to be “strangled”.Unshakeable certitude in the infallibility of the arbitrators, auxiliary arbitrators on top of that, and therefore in the victory at the polls of Alassane Ouattara (or of Laurent Gbagbo for that matter) is an undeniably absurd proposition and, even worse, dangerous, even suicidal since it maintains the two protagonists in maximalist positions.Something is absurd that is unacceptable to reason and good sense. The strategy of financial strangulation is absurd because if Alassane Ouattara succeeds, with the backing of France, in strangling (killing) the Ivory Coast, he will have nothing to govern but a pile of ruins. Furthermore, supposing that Laurent Gbagbo took the Ivory Coast hostage, killing a hostage that one wants to liberate does not make the would-be hostage-taker the murderer. The murderer is definitely the one who will have done the killing (strangling) with premeditation and incompetence. Then, if Alassane Ouattara does not succeed in doing this, and the country manages to survive the attempted suffocation, no Ivorian will then want to see him come to power. Never! For it is no good telling oneself that those who wish to come into power can do whatever they like. There are actions that one must not engage in against one’s country and one’s fellow citizens. I remember what Abdoulaye Wade confided to me after the Constitutional Council proclaimed his adversary victorious in the 1993 elections in Senegal that he was convinced he himself had won: “I shall never enter the gates of the Palace stepping over the cadavers of Senegalese citizens”.

Something is absurd that is not in keeping with the rational laws of consistency and logic. The strategy of strangulation is absurd because the sanctions will not distinguish between the pro-Ouattara cocoa producers and those opposing him. The same for the civil servants deprived of their salaries. Won’t they all prefer a vote recount or a new election to strangulation? What is more, the banks that will have closed are going to lose their clients’ confidence whatever the outcome of the electoral dispute might otherwise be.
It is also absurd because the millions of Senegalese, Malians, Nigerians, Burkinabe, etc. who live in the Ivory Coast are going to suffer from these sanctions. They will perhaps even be obliged to leave their adopted country. It is easy to predict for whom they will vote when the time comes for the next election in their own countries if the decisions made by their respective heads of state happen to suffocate the economic lung of West Africa.

The tenacity of the absurd!

Laurent Gbagbo is accused of being a usurper, and to make him leave people want to suffocate the country. But he says he possesses proof of irregularities tarnishing the balloting. Saddam Hussein said that he did not possess weapons of mass destruction. He was told to “prove it”, which was absurd because the burden of proof always lies with the accusers. Laurent Gbagbo says that he has proof of fraud that distorted the final verdict. He was literally told “we don’t give a darn” and, the height of absurdity, people are preparing to strangle his country when it would be enough to verify whether these proofs are tangible or not.And the flow of absurdity does not stop there.A sanction is something normally imposed on a lawbreaker, but we still need to be told what law was broken. There is a simple electoral dispute and the country’s Constitutional Council came to a decision and invested Laurent Gbagbo as president. The international community, not having any authority to name a President in the Ivory Coast any more than in Gabon , Alassane Ouattara is, therefore, in fact a “self-proclaimed” President, having himself in vain sought investiture by the Constitutional Council, and this being the case, he has continued to violate Ivorian law for the past three months. But it is Laurent Gbagbo who is being sanctioned! And what is more, it is he who would be removed from office by accepting a vote recount since he is already the President invested by the highest jurisdictional body there is!

How about that! We are definitely witnessing a veritable unleashing of absurdities in the Ivory Coast.All this absurdity exasperates me and leaves me perplexed.What people are conveniently forgetting is that half of the electorate voted for Laurent Gbagbo. And who knows what the electorate of the Democratic Party of the Ivory Coast (PDCI) would do, heated up as it is by the discovery of the reality of the Rally of the Republic (RDR)-rebel faction, if the elections were to be held again today. All the more since each time the political leader of the rebels opens his mouth, Alassane Ouattara loses credibility. Doesn’t he realise that African heads of state are “allergic” to rebels? I furthermore defy the international community to require that new elections be held between Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, so as to finally settle the electoral dispute and put an end to this “festival of the absurd”!Unless there was a deliberate intent to lead the country into war, civil war this time, in order to justify outside intervention! In that case, what appears absurd today will be logical and rational tomorrow.

Pathetic tale of brazenness and myopia!

In the meantime, it is obvious that what is being played out in the Ivory Coast today is of prime importance for the future of our children in Africa and therefore raises questions for all of us. It is up to us to discover how to respond to this challenge at the opening of the second fifty years of the independence of our countries.

By Pierre Sané, former Secretary General of Amnesty International and former Assistant Director General of UNESCO, is the President of Imagine Africa

March 13, 2011

Ndaari Wa Gukomba

March 12, 2011

Offloading Libya & That Sarkozy

In addition to not plunging needlessly into another country’s civil war, the Obama administration’s restraint on Libya so far has had another positive effect: it has revealed just how unhinged and fanatical many of the advocates of intervention are. Do these people really believe that every event in the world is the responsibility of the President of the United States, or is it just hyperbole to get the war they want? It seems that some of them really believe it. Laurent Gbagbo hasn’t given up his hold on power in Ivory Coast. Is the violence by Gbagbo supporters in Abidjan Obama’s responsibility, too

Such people are are thrilled by Sarkozy’s recognition of the Benghazi transitional government, because this is the sort of diplomatic mistake that obliges Western governments to become more involved, but it is telling that many other European governments see Sarkozy acting recklessly and foolishly. Fresh off the embarrassment that was the exceedingly cozy relationship with Ben Ali and his cronies, and on the heels of dumping the foreign minister responsible for a sizeable part of that embarrassment, Sarkozy is trying to re-invent himself as the zealous supporter of Libyan rebels. Naturally, interventionists here in the U.S. don’t see this as a desperate attempt by Sarkozy to change the subject, but instead treat it as serious moral leadership, which tells us a lot of what we need to know about what they think morality and leadership mean.

The only thing that bothers them about what Sarkozy is doing is that the French beat America to the punch in engaging in dangerous grandstanding. Of course, Sarkozy can afford making these statements, because no one, not even his American cheerleaders, expect him to follow through on it. France meddles in its former colonies’ affairs quite often, but meddling in Libya would be something different.Western military intervention in Libya’s civil war doesn’t make much sense, no matter which government is calling for it or leading it, but if any Western governments should be taking the lead in responding to a civil war in North Africa it should be European governments. Some European governments have something at stake in the Libyan civil war, and the U.S. has nothing at stake, so if there had to be outside intervention it would make a lot more sense if Europeans and other states from around the Mediterranean and North Africa were bearing most of the burden.

Greater allied burden-sharing is something that ought to be appealing to Americans regardless of what one believes the U.S. role in the world should be. It can relieve the U.S. of outdated or unnecessary commitments, but it also helps keep the U.S. military from being spread too thin. Letting regional powers and organizations take the lead in these situations isn’t just a good way to keep the U.S. from getting bogged down in conflicts in which America has no interest, but it is also a good way to begin the process of offloading some of the responsibility for regional security that the U.S. has had for much longer than necessary.

March 12, 2011

March 11, 2011

Kenyan Tsunami Warnings:Sign Of Low National Self Esteem

If you have recently traveled around Africa you have heard other Africans say ‘Kenyans are full of themselves’. Today, sadly I agree! How did weather experts In Nairobi issue a tsunami warning for Kenya! When the earthquake was in the northern Japan and The International Indian Ocean Tsunami Warning System has so far not issued a tsunami warning  !A blatant attempt to gain international media attention. Sometimes I think ‘We’ Kenyans think the world revolves around us.We are so full of  it!My dear Kenyans…We have developed a convoluted sense of self importance since Obama got elected and the post election violence crisis was beamed around the world on T.V. As long as a news story is grabbing international headlines trust the Kenyan press or some Kenyan institution will find a way to make Kenya part of the global news story.We really have a warped way of thinking that is increasingly worrying.It is a culture of seeking international approval and significance brought about by our poor self esteem.

Because of our inability to deal with our serious national ‘issues’ we  now exibit all the classical symptoms of a people suffering from a low national self esteem.We fall over ourselves to please white diplomats in Nairobi and sing praises of english soccer teams.We seem to celebrate everything foreign. Sometimes in order to cope we simply over compensate with wild international claims like the pacific tsunami will hit Kenya or Barack Obama is a Kenyan, when the whole world knows Obama’s Kenyan father was a dead beat dad and Kenya is not in the pacific!

Our good MET-Department can not forecast a local famine or even a small rain storm in Nairobi.So how did they determine a tsunami off the coast of northern Japan was headed to  the Kenyan coast?Why did the entire nation buy this lie when a simple atlas glance said it makes no sense?Are we so delusional- We really must wake up to our growing infestation of warped importance and build some real national esteem.It is time for those with eyes to lead the blind out of their darkness.We need to address our self image and drop the strange coping -mechanisms.Our first step is to recognize we need to solve all national problems/potential problems without seeking the facade of  external importance that seeks foreign approval. International politicians/press/opinion do not add any value to any Kenyan or improve our international standing.Kenya can only be improved for Kenyans by Kenyans.Before we start offering our international assistance -watch the press its coming- can we first assist our own slum dwellers ravaged by mysterious fires.What we need is self respect,respect for each other,hard-work and due diligence done -like consulting the Indian Ocean Tsunami Warning Center before rushing to BBC or CNN with baseless Kenyan tsunami claims and probable offers to help Japan.

Kenya needs a Self-Esteem Enhancement Program (SEEP) -That said our prayers are with the people of Japan and the Pacific Islands.

Joe Ndungu

March 9, 2011

Coffee Prices Hit 14-Year High

Coffee prices hit a 14-year high this week, and it’s only a matter of time before java lovers will have to pay more in stores and coffee shops.Coffee futures have doubled in the last year, closing at $2.46 per pound on Thursday. That’s the highest price since May 1997, when coffee was trading at $3.20 per pound.”It is sad but true that higher coffee prices will be passed off to the consumer,” said Hector Galvan, a senior trader at RJO Futures. “Some imagine this just as inflation, but it is a combination of the growing demand for different types of coffee and the poor harvests we have had in past years.”Starbucks (SBUX, Fortune 500) has already increased prices. J.M. Smucker, which owns Dunkin’ Donuts and Folgers, has also had to raise prices several times to cope with the rising bean prices. Earlier this month, Smucker said it would once again hike prices, by an average 10%.”Roasters are already passing on some these rises and further rises appear inevitable,” said Jose Sette, executive director of International Coffee Organization.Starbucks, Smucker and Green Mountain Coffee Roasters (GMCR) did not respond to request for comment. But for analysts, it’s pretty easy to see where this is going.

“When you combine the demand and speculation that harvests will continue to be poor, it’s not difficult to imagine where prices will be in the next couple of years,” said Galvan.The vast majority of coffee consumed in the U.S. is imported. Hawaii is the only coffee-producing state and cannot supply enough to meet the nation’s needs.The dependence upon coffee as an import has haunted Americans for centuries. During the Civil War, Union blockades forced Southerners to drink chicory instead of the real thing, a poor substitute considering that Americans were just as coffee crazy back then as they are now. But the habit stuck, so many Southerners still cut their coffee with chicory.Galvan said the U.S. is particularly dependent upon Brazil to come up with bumper crops for coffee, but harvests have been weak in other coffee-producing nations, like Mexico, Kenya and Colombia. Sette said that Colombia, one of the leading coffee producers, has suffered its third consecutive “disappointing” crop, which is one of the biggest factors in driving up prices.He said that other coffee-producing nations do not have the ability to offset the slump from Colombia and Brazil