Posts tagged ‘Kalenjin’

October 14, 2011

I Say to You: Ethnic Politics And The Kalenjin In Kenya By Gabrielle Lynch

In 2007 a disputed election in Kenya erupted into a two-month political crisis that led to the deaths of more than a thousand people and the displacement of almost seven hundred thousand. Much of the violence fell along ethnic lines, the principal perpetrators of which were the Kalenjin, who lashed out at other communities in the Rift Valley. What makes this episode remarkable compared to many other instances of ethnic violence is that the Kalenjin community is a recent construct: the group has only existed since the mid-twentieth century. Drawing on rich archival research and vivid oral testimony, I Say to You is a timely analysis of the creation, development, political relevance, and popular appeal of the Kalenjin identity as well as its violent potential.
Uncovering the Kalenjin’s roots, Gabrielle Lynch examines the ways in which ethnic groups are socially constructed and renegotiated over time. She demonstrates how historical narratives of collective achievement, migration, injustice, and persecution constantly evolve. As a consequence, ethnic identities help politicians mobilize support and help ordinary people lay claim to space, power, and wealth. This kind of ethnic politics, Lynch reveals, encourages a sense of ethnic difference and competition, which can spiral into violent confrontation and retribution.
  • “How did the Kalenjin, an ethnic group that did not exist before the 1940s, come to dominate Kenya in the 1980s? It is a remarkable story, and Gabrielle Lynch tells it well. The social imagination of ethnic community is one of modern African history’s most contested themes. Lynch shows how much it depended on a rumination on past history, but she also appreciates the importance of creative political intrigue. Her combination of the two makes for a thought-provoking read.”—John Lonsdale, University of Cambridge.
  • “This is an indispensable guide to understanding the distinctive place of Kalenjin nationalism in Kenyan politics and the recent post-election violence as well as the role of ethnicity in Africa more broadly. I Say to You traces the work of indigenous intellectuals and independence-era political leaders in shaping a larger sense of collective kinship among people sharing a broadly similar language and culture, though often with sharply diverging senses of connection. Lynch is superb in explaining both the persistent dissension within the Kalenjin as well as the way unity was achieved in the context of the ethnic logic of Kenyan politics, the dynamics of which she has exceptional insight into.”—Adam Ashforth, University of Michigan.
  • I Say to You is a richly detailed and insightful analysis of the dynamic and open-ended process of ethnic construction and politicization that focuses on one of the most recent and important ethnic communities to emerge in Kenya in modern times. Lynch’s adept weaving of political, cultural, and economic factors in a compelling historical analysis of the Kalenjin and their position in Kenya’s contentious ethnic politics has much wider theoretical and methodological importance for understanding the process of ethnic politicization in not only the rest of Africa, but also in other non-Western societies subject to the double historical wallops of colonialism and globalization.”—Bruce Berman, Queen’s University
*Gabrielle Lynch is senior lecturer in Africa and the politics of development at the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds
September 3, 2009

Response to Deceptive Moralist Defence By Kikuyus 4 Change of Kalenjin Community

By Daniel Weru In response to Kalenjin Bashing-This Emerging Trend Must Be Stopped

Kikuyus for Change have just released a statement. They believe that ethnic stereotypes are harmful.

Having experienced the harm resulting from ethnic stereotypes, they’re, understandably, determined to speak out against misrepresentations of other communities as a whole. In their view, there has been serious misrepresentation of Kalenjin as a community — it’s unclear just what this amounts to, but it seems to be a variation on collective responsibility. If Kikuyus for Change are right, it is widely believed that Kalenjin are perpetrators of (significant portions) the PEV; that they are destroying the Mau; and that they are the source of discontent on coalition governance issues. Against this unfortunate state of affairs, Kikuyus for Change argue that Kalenjin are not as a community perpetrators of PEV; and that they are not as a community Mau forest occupiers. We are given exactly one reason for that: those actions – the PEV; the entrance, destruction of and refusal to leave the Mau – are not the responsibility of Kalenjin because they are the actions of individuals.

This is the sort of empty and deceptive moralism that gives advocacy organisations in Kenya a bad name.

First, though, a word about the argument. The structure should be familiar: members of a group have done some terrible things; the group is then accused of collective responsibility for those acts; it is argued, felt, or feared that the members of the accused group will be victims of bigotry. A defender of the group has three options: accept collective responsibility; deny collective responsibility; or deny that collective responsibility has anything to do with it. If he accepts collective responsibility, then the defender has to show that this group doesn’t bear collective responsibility for this act: maybe they didn’t do it, or they knew not what they did, or whatever. If he doesn’t accept collective responsibility, then it makes no odds what the group did: even if the group performed the act, it can’t be held responsible. Alternatively, the defender of the group could simply say that even if the group were collectively responsible, that wouldn’t justify bigotry against it, because ethnic bigotry is just wrong.

Kikuyus for Change supply a desperately inept version of the first, when they should have gone for the third; their moralism lies in telling untruths for (what they suppose to be) good ends. Remember that they said that the actions for which Kalenjin are held communally liable are the actions of individuals. It is clear, I think, that they aren’t denying collective responsibility; rather, their point is that even if there is collective responsibility, it doesn’t apply in this case: Kalenjin aren’t collectively responsible for, say, the PEV. The problem with that move is simple: that the actions were committed by individuals does nothing whatever to show that there’s no communal liability for them. That follows from a very simple fact: groups acts through individuals, so it is entirely possible for a communal act to be performed by an individual. Think about the President’s assent to a bill. It is an act performed by the individual who happens to hold the office at the time; it is also an act by which the state, and therefore the groups of people who constitute the state, promise to obey a certain rule. Think also about a murder, carried out by a group of three men, who jointly plan and bring it off. Roughly speaking, it’s enough, for there to be collective moral responsibility, for a group to deliberately perform an act. The group of murderers is constituted of individuals; it is their actions which constitute the planning and commission of the murder. What makes them jointly responsible is their joint deliberate participation in the joint enterprise. But that joint deliberate participation is composed of individual acts. So the fact that the actions were performed by individuals is entirely consistent with collective responsibility for them; merely noting that the actions in question are the actions of individuals is a hopeless defence to the charge of collective responsibility.

More to the point, it deliberately overlooks facts which are common knowlege. The PEV in the Rift Valley was carefully-planned, and there was wide communal involvement. (See, for example, the Human Rights Watch report). All sorts of independent evidence suggests that the violence had the consent of a significant proportion of Kalenjin; and the consent, planning and participation of those properly empowered to act in the name of the community (Ashforth, Lynch, Waki). There is pretty good evidence of wide, if not quite universal, Kalenjin approval of the consequences of the violence (Ashforth, Lynch). And, again, there have been well-reported efforts to institutionalise the consequences of the violence: segregated schools, for example. In the example I gave earlier, the consent and particpation of all the members of the group was taken to be sufficient for collective responsibility. So it might be argued that the lack of either rules out collective responsibility in this case. That’s too quick. Collective responsibility can accrue to a group for an action even when not all its members approve or participate. The clearest example is war. It’s often taken to be the case that a duly-elected head of a state or a nation has the power to commit the state or nation to a war, with the collective consequences that that brings. It’s also true that a President, say, need not be elected by the entire nation to gain that power — all that’s necessary is a majority of the vote. Donald Kipkorir’s devotion marks the extent to which the Kalenjin political class is the duly-empowered representative of the Kalenjin nation, It is tolerably clear that the Kalenjin political class arranged the relevant bits of the post-election violence, tolerably clear that they were acting in their capacity as leaders of the Kalenjin nation in doing so, and tolerably clear that there is near-unanimous Kalenjin support for the consequences (if not, perhaps, the means) of PEV. That is why it ought to be conceded that Kalenjin bear collective responsibility for it.

It’s essential at this point to distinguish kinds of collective responsibility. I have in mind the following distinction: there is a kind of collective responsibility in which each member of the community is liable (and may therefore be punished) for the actions of the entire group; and there’s the kind of collective responsibility which does not distribute in this way — where we should say that the community is responsible for the acts, but in which it doesn’t follow that each member of the community can therefore be punished for the communal act. The clearest example of the first is the first example above, the joint-murder case, in which all the deliberately participants agree to kill. The Kalenjin-communal case is of the latter kind, mostly, I think, because while there was a piece of deliberate group activity, it is also clear that this was not unanimous. To recognise collective Kalenjin responsibility is not to call for communal punishment of Kalenjin.

But suppose you don’t agree. You think that there’s no Kalenjin communal responsibility for the PEV. You should still think that the Kikuyus for Change argument is foolish. Think about like this: rape is bad, regardless of the identity of the intended victim. The prohibition against rape isn’t contingent on whether or not the intended victim is, say, a rapist: even rapists ought not to be raped. If you’re looking for reasons not to rape someone, and the best you can come up with is that they’re not a rapist, you need to buy a new moral compass.

The Kikuyus for Change argument against anti-Kalenjin bigotry is of exactly this type: instead of saying the simple and true thing — that ethnic bigotry is bad, independent of the identity of its victims — they say the complex and false thing — that anti-Kalenjin ethnic bigotry is bad because Kalenjin aren’t communally responsible for PEV. They seem unable to see the point that anti-Kalenjin bigotry is bad because it is wrong, not because Kalenjin are right.

August 5, 2009

Harvesting And Destroying Our Crops

Charles was one of the main suppliers of arrows and machetes in the violence that rocked Kenya’s Rift Valley last year. Eighteen months later, he and his Kalenjin tribe have not buried the hatchet.Some of the worst violence that followed the disputed December 27 polls was carried out by the Kalenjin tribe against the country’s dominant Kikuyu tribe and little in the way of reconciliation has taken place since.”We are ready to fight any time the alarm is raised, we have the weapons and we know how to use them,” said Charles, 35, who asked for his real name not to be revealed.A small lamp sheds a feeble light on his emaciated and determined face, as he gazes towards the Kerio valley, a remote part of western Kenya where few roads, no mobile telephone network and few police patrol can reach.

“For the Kalenjins, land is inheritance and you can’t share it with a foreigner,” he said, referring to the Kikuyu tribe of President Mwai Kibaki, who was maintained in his job by an internationally-backed power-sharing agreement despite widespread accusations that he rigged the results.During the post-election chaos, at least 1,500 people were killed nationwide, and the Kalenjins attacked Kikuyus whom they consider to have settled their ancestral lands.”We have decided to give peace a chance, but if the Kikuyus cannot honour their agreement, then we will go another way and anything can happen,” warned Peter Kipkurui, a tribal elder and farmer.

“The Kikuyus came to settle here, they should respect our community.”The deal brokered by former UN chief Kofi Annan last year brought an end to the fighting but its implementation has stalled on several key issues.Many Kalenjins feel they got the rough end of the stick and explain they will only accept the Kikuyus’ continued presence in their heartland under certain conditions.”If the Kikuyus try to vote like the local community wherever they are, it will be better and people here won’t have any more bad feelings towards them,” said Francis Samoei, a 48-year-old local farmer.Francis and many of his local tribesmen flatly deny any responsibility for and sometimes the very existence of what happened in early 2008. “It’s not people from this place who perpetrated that, they came from far,” he said.In a nearby camp for displaced Kikuyus, local leader Peter Maina worries that his community continues to be demonised, and says there are insufficient guarantees for them to go home.

“These Kalenjins don’t consider us their equals anymore. They just want us to leave so that they can remain alone, that’s why they keep on harvesting and destroying our crops,” he said.”They told us that we need to forget about what happened, that it was Satan who did all that chaos.”

In Gitwe, a small village near the city of Eldoret, the segregation has been institutionalised, down to the school system.Anthony Mwangi has never seen his former Kalenjin classmates since the violence. They now go to a “Kalenjin only” school on a nearby hill. His school, which was partially destroyed, is now a school for Kikuyu pupils like himself.

“The Kalenjin are afraid and guilty of what they did during the violence,” said Anthony, a well-built 17-year-old in a beige uniform.Gitwe school’s head teacher, Peter Ashimosi, says the psychological impact of the violence is still felt by the children and warns that the lack of interaction between the communities risks engendering more problems.”Before the violence, the school was a mixture of ethnic groups. The children were mixing freely, there were no tensions at all,” he said.

“It’s believed that the one’s who burned the schools are from houses down the valley (Kalenjin), so the Kalenjin parents feared retaliation and pulled out their children,” he explained.Across the ridge from Gitwe, is Lomok school having only Kalenjin pupils and teachers. Ann, a teacher, lamented that the “segregation will affect overall peace.”"The pupils will just learn that it is wrong to live with other communities,” she added.Veronica Wanjiru, 16, expresses the distrust that continues to take root in Kenya’s Rift Valley.

“They didn’t come back because they knew what they did: they burned houses, our school, they killed people,” said the young Kikuyu girl, who still lives in a camp with her grandmother.

“I had two good friends that I miss. But even if they come back, I won’t be so close to them because I can’t trust them any more.”

Ruben Kebatta explains that he will not let his 14-year-old twins interact with Kalenjins anymore: “We are still very bitter; we lost a lot of property and lives,” he said.”May we dwell in unity, peace and liberty.” The words of the national anthem the Gitwe schoolchildren sing under the Kenyan flag every morning have a hollow ring, with no reconciliation in sight.Charles doesn’t begin to make any apology for the 2008 violence and his complaint that his tribe is systematically discriminated against seems to carry the promise of more unrest.

“If the people didn’t fight last year, we would not have a power-sharing government, we would not have justice, just a stolen victory… I think it was necessary for the people to fight.”

May 3, 2009

Eldoret church massacre suspects freed

Kenya’s high court on Thursday threw out the case against four men over tribal violence in which at least 33 people were burnt alive in a church during last year’s post-election chaos.The ruling brought to a close the only case in which citizens have been charged with murder in connection with the violence that left around 1,500 people dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.At least 33 civilians, including women and children, died when marauding militias set fire to the Kenya Assemblies of God church in the northern city of Eldoret, where they were sheltering from the clashes.The deaths took place on 1 January, 2008, and four suspects were charged two months later but Justice David Maraga said he had to drop the case, citing lack of evidence and shoddy police investigations.amnesty

“I find that the prosecution (has) failed to prove the burden of the case against the accused persons and thereby acquit them of all the charges and order that they be set free,” he said.”This was obviously a well planned and orchestrated attack and as such I was amazed to find no whiff of common intention on the part of the accused or the planning that went into the attack,” he said.”The events preceding the commission of this offence cannot have eluded the police as clouds for the gathering storm were there for all to see,” he said, reading a 45-page ruling.”I am not a politician but I am only a judge and a Kenyan who is just as outraged at the casual manner in which we are handling serious issues like insecurity in this country and by the attitude of our police force in the face of serious crime,” Maraga added.

Eldoret is in the Rift Valley of Kenya, which saw the worst tribal violence following the dispute that erupted when irregularities in the December 2007 presidential poll prompted accusations that then opposition leader Raila Odinga was robbed of victory by incumbent President Mwai Kibaki.Three days after the election, on December 30, hundreds of civilians were driven from their homes by militias, according to evidence presented in court.Some who had found refuge in the church were attacked by more than 1,000 men, who had painted their faces with chalk and were armed with bows and arrows, machetes, clubs and other weapons.The mob lit up mattresses inside the church and then blocked the door to prevent the displaced from escaping the fire. The State dropped incitement charges against Kibor

*Gathara cartoons

February 23, 2008

Shocking BBC interview of Kalenjin Church Burners and Jackson Kibor