Posts tagged ‘william ruto’

November 10, 2010

Kenya Rights Group Denies Claims

The chairperson of the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) has dismissed as preposterous accusations her organization bribed and coached witnesses to implicate suspended Higher Education minister William Ruto in the 2008 post-election violence.Florence Simbiri-Jaoko said  her organization has no interest in implicating anyone in Kenya’s post-election violence that led to the deaths of at least 1,300 people.“All we did was to receive information, analyze such information in regards all the things that happened. So, we received information from individuals, as well as (looking) at various sources. So, we don’t even have the capacity to bribe.”

At a news conference, Ruto, suspended last month for alleged corruption, accused an official of the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights of coaching and paying witnesses to link him to the election violence.Local media quoted Ruto as accusing Hassan Omar, then the vice president of the KNCHR, of being behind what he said was the scheme to implicate him as one of the masterminds of the post-election violence.“Has Mr. Hassan Omar been paying those so-called witnesses money? Did he promise them that they will live in foreign capitals? Let him tell Kenyans how much money he has been paying them and what is the source of the money,” asked Ruto.

November 4, 2010

Ruto Museveni Talks Before Hague Trip

— MYSTERY surrounds a visit by suspended Higher Education minister William Ruto to meet President Museveni in Uganda before his Hague Trip ”He received calls from Museveni’s people on Sunday afternoon and quickly found his way to Kampala. He was due to meet the President at some point today (yesterday),” said a source that confirmed that Ruto met Museveni before the Ugandan leader proceeded to the Kampala Serena Hotel to launch his election manifesto.It is not known what Ruto discussed in his private meeting with Museveni although there was speculation the suspended minister wanted to talk about his own presidential ambitions.”After the meeting Mzee asked Ruto and his delegation to join him at the launch,” said a senior source at Uganda’s State House.Yesterday was the first official day of campaigning for the Uganda presidential elections which are due in March, 2011.The NRM Secretary General and Internal Security minister Amama Mbabazi introduced Ruto to the crowd at the Serena as “representing Kenya and the ODM”. Ruto was the only official from a foreign political party at the function although several ambassadors based in Kampala attended.

After the ceremony, Ruto held a closed-door meeting with several MPs from Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement party.Ruto attended the launch with Belgut MP Charles Keter and former nominated MP Mark Too who was introduced as a “special friend to Museveni”.On arrival Ruto was received at the Entebbe International Airport by Mbabazi and driven to his hotel in a six-car convoy. Up to 20 security officers were attached to him for the duration of his visit.

Ruto is also said to be planning a visit to South Africa where sources close to him say he will meet the country’s President Jacob Zuma next week.Ruto, jointly with Musalia Mudavadi, is ODM Deputy Leader but has announced he plans to leave by year end the party headed by Prime Minister Raila Odinga.Ruto was in Eldoret on Sunday afternoon when he received a call from his contacts in Uganda. He immediately took a flight to Wilson Airport and was driven straight to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and caught the last Kenya Airways flight to Entebbe arriving at midnight.”He was in so much hurry that he did not go to his Karen home to change.In fact his luggage was brought to the airport,” said a vocal MP from Rift Valley close to Ruto.

Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs Richard Onyonka said he was not aware of Ruto’s visit to Uganda.”Unless my people at the ministry are aware of it, I personally do not know if he has travelled to Uganda and in what capacity,” said Onyonka.He said Ruto could not be representing the government because he was suspended last month by President Kibaki after the Court of Appeal ruled that he should face fraud charges over the illegal sale of Ngong Forest land.Another close associate of Ruto’s confirmed the Kampala meeting and said, “It’s all about 2012″.”You know Museveni is running again and Ruto has already declared his interest in the presidency. Isn’t the rest obvious? Watch this space,” said the associate.Cabinet minister Otieno Kajwang denied that ODM had sent a delegation to Uganda.”He has made it clear that he is leaving ODM. Why then is he purporting to speak for the party? His time is up. If he does not pack and go, we will help him to leave and he won’t like it,” said Kajwang yesterday.He said even if ODM was to send a representative, it would not have been Ruto.”This is not the first time Ruto has been in Uganda. There seems to be some friendship developing between him and Museveni. We do not know if that friendship is for the good of Kenya or if it’s just aimed at destroying ODM,” said Kajwang.

Ruto has been to Uganda three times in 11 months.In December last year, he drove his family to Kampala where he went on holiday minus his security detail. At the Malaba border crossing point, he caused a stir when he arrived at the immigration offices with his wife Rachel and his children.Ruto stayed at the Munyonyo Resort in Kampala and secretly met people close to Museveni, according to one source.Ruto returned to Uganda again in April on a private visit but it is not clear who he met while in Kampala.

Ruto has fallen out with Raila, the presidential candidate he backed in the December 27, 2007 elections. After President Kibaki was controversially sworn in following the disputed elections, Museveni was the first international leader to send him a congratulatory message.Ruto has announced that he will leave ODM for another party by end of this year. He told Kass FM over the weekend that 40 MPs had already signed up to join his new party that he will use to form an alliance with Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka and Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta.

 

May 3, 2009

Eldoret church massacre suspects freed

Kenya’s high court on Thursday threw out the case against four men over tribal violence in which at least 33 people were burnt alive in a church during last year’s post-election chaos.The ruling brought to a close the only case in which citizens have been charged with murder in connection with the violence that left around 1,500 people dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.At least 33 civilians, including women and children, died when marauding militias set fire to the Kenya Assemblies of God church in the northern city of Eldoret, where they were sheltering from the clashes.The deaths took place on 1 January, 2008, and four suspects were charged two months later but Justice David Maraga said he had to drop the case, citing lack of evidence and shoddy police investigations.amnesty

“I find that the prosecution (has) failed to prove the burden of the case against the accused persons and thereby acquit them of all the charges and order that they be set free,” he said.”This was obviously a well planned and orchestrated attack and as such I was amazed to find no whiff of common intention on the part of the accused or the planning that went into the attack,” he said.”The events preceding the commission of this offence cannot have eluded the police as clouds for the gathering storm were there for all to see,” he said, reading a 45-page ruling.”I am not a politician but I am only a judge and a Kenyan who is just as outraged at the casual manner in which we are handling serious issues like insecurity in this country and by the attitude of our police force in the face of serious crime,” Maraga added.

Eldoret is in the Rift Valley of Kenya, which saw the worst tribal violence following the dispute that erupted when irregularities in the December 2007 presidential poll prompted accusations that then opposition leader Raila Odinga was robbed of victory by incumbent President Mwai Kibaki.Three days after the election, on December 30, hundreds of civilians were driven from their homes by militias, according to evidence presented in court.Some who had found refuge in the church were attacked by more than 1,000 men, who had painted their faces with chalk and were armed with bows and arrows, machetes, clubs and other weapons.The mob lit up mattresses inside the church and then blocked the door to prevent the displaced from escaping the fire. The State dropped incitement charges against Kibor

*Gathara cartoons

February 11, 2009

Protected: William Ruto

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February 6, 2009

Protected: Kenya we want

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December 24, 2008

Human Rights Watch Letter On Special Tribunal Loopholes

TO-THE SERENA MEDIATION TEAM

Re: Draft Statute for the Establishment of a Special Tribunal

Human Rights Watch has consistently emphasized the importance of accountability for the human rights violations committed following the Kenyan polls in December 2007. Our researchers documented several patterns of serious human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and excessive use of force by the police, and ethnic-based attacks and reprisals by militia groups on both sides of the political divide during the post-election. As a signatory to the Geneva Conventions and to various human rights treaties, and as a member of the International Criminal Court, Kenya is obligated to bring to justice perpetrators of serious international crimes.

Human Rights Watch welcomed the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Post-Election Violence (CIPEV), and congratulates the government of Kenya on its intention to introduce a bill establishing a Special Tribunal with jurisdiction over the most serious crimes committed in the post-election violence, consistent with the CIPEV’s recommendations.

We continue to urge the government to address wider human rights abuses in Kenya. Promptly constituting the special tribunal will be an important step forward, and we believe that ensuring its effectiveness will contribute significantly to ending the wider problem of impunity in Kenya. As a national court with jurisdiction to try serious international crimes, the special tribunal will also make an important contribution within the developing system of international justice.

The tribunal’s success will require close attention to credible, independent, and impartial investigation and prosecution, rigorous implementation of internationally recognized standards of fair trial, and appropriate penalties in the event of convictions. It will also require that the tribunal’s jurisdiction reach the crimes and perpetrators most representative of post-election violence.

To meet these challenges, it is essential that the tribunal be provided with a sound framework. As a human rights organization with extensive experience both in documenting human rights violations in Kenya and in monitoring and assisting national and international tribunals, Human Rights Watch would like to highlight a number of concerns with provisions of the draft statute prepared by the government that may undermine its effectiveness.

Human Rights Watch’s most pressing concerns are elaborated below, but the following list, long as it is, is not exhaustive:

Relationship to Kenyan law

Drawing on Kenyan criminal law and procedure. As discussed in more detail below, and as partly envisaged by the draft statute, the special tribunal should be set apart from other Kenyan criminal courts by its autonomy, its focused jurisdiction over certain crimes committed by certain persons during a certain period, and by its complement of international staff. The tribunal may also bring important innovations, including, as provided for in the draft statute, victim participation, a Defense Office to increase the protections afforded defendants, and a victim and witness protection unit. In doing so, the tribunal should draw on the experiences of other international and mixed international-national tribunals prosecuting serious international crimes.

The tribunal, however, should also comprise part of the ordinary Kenyan criminal justice system and draw on Kenyan substantive and procedural law, including, as discussed below, the recently adopted International Crimes Bill.

Doing so will make clear its relationship to other Kenyan authorities on which it will rely in its work, including prison and police authorities. It will ensure full protection of fair trial and other rights under Kenyan law to the defendants appearing before it. It will increase the tribunal’s efficiency by providing a sound basis for the tribunal’s own rules of evidence and procedure. And if the procedures of the special tribunal are similar to those of the ordinary Kenyan criminal courts, Kenyan judges, counsel, and other judicial staff working for the tribunal will be able to bring their experience directly back to the ordinary courts increasing the capacity of Kenyan institutions to provide accountability.

The draft statute should provide that the special tribunal is to be bound by Kenyan law except to the extent provided otherwise by its statute. In developing its rules of procedure and evidence, the statute in article 16 should instruct judges to be guided by Kenyan law in addition to international criminal law and practice.

Relationship with existing Kenyan courts.

The draft statute currently provides the tribunal with exclusive jurisdiction over crimes under the statute. As indicated above, however, the tribunal will not have the capacity to prosecute all perpetrators. Providing the tribunal with exclusive jurisdiction could thwart or delay the efforts of the ordinary Kenyan courts to bring these other perpetrators to justice. Instead, the statute should provide for concurrent jurisdiction, while giving the tribunal primacy over cases within its jurisdiction. A clear procedure should be provided for transfer of cases between ordinary Kenyan courts and the tribunal.

Anchoring the tribunal in the constitution. The Kenyan constitution permits parliament to establish courts subordinate to the High Court. To ensure the special tribunal’s independence, and as recommended by the CIPEV, it is essential that the Kenyan constitution be amended to permit creation of a special tribunal that is independent of the High Court, and the decisions of which are not subject to appeal to any other body. The draft statute appropriately provides for an appeal chamber within the tribunal. Any process of constitutional amendment should additionally ensure that the tribunal is fully able to exercise its jurisdiction free of constitutional challenge.

Jurisdiction

Persons most responsible. As recommended by the CIPEV, the special tribunal should focus its attention on a limited pool of perpetrators. The number of perpetrators of crimes during the post-election period likely runs to the thousands; without limiting the tribunal’s jurisdiction, the tribunal will be quickly overwhelmed by its caseload. Prosecution of lower level perpetrators should remain the responsibility of the ordinary Kenyan courts.

We recommend, however, that rather than use the language “persons bearing the greatest responsibility” as recommended by the CIPEV, article one of the statute should limit the tribunal’s jurisdiction to “persons most responsible.” According to the United Nations Secretary-General, the term “persons most responsible” includes those in the political or military leadership, but would also comprise others down the chain of command who may be regarded as “most responsible” judging by the severity of the crime or its massive scale. While the primary focus of the tribunal should be senior leaders-the individuals most often beyond the reach of ordinary courts and whose prosecution can expose the structure of criminality that led to the commission of widespread crimes-defining the tribunal’s jurisdiction by reference to “persons most responsible” would permit a degree of flexibility in pursuing lower ranking officials if necessary for the overall prosecutorial strategy.

Time period.

The draft statute presently provides in article seven for the tribunal’s jurisdiction over crimes committed during the “period beginning on 1st December 2007 and ending on 28th February 2008, or crimes committed on any earlier or later date and which are connected in accordance with the principles of criminal justice and are of a nature and gravity similar to those crimes committed between 1st December 2007 and 28th February 2008.” The broad wording of this provision leaves room for considerable argument as to what falls within the tribunal’s jurisdiction, and, if given the broadest possible interpretation, could stretch the tribunal’s caseload beyond its capacity. We suggest that to retain some flexibility, the statute gives the tribunal itself the power to extend its period to “Crimes under its statute, of a similar nature to and connected with those committed between 1 December 2007, and 28 February 2008,” with the tribunal itself in those cases naming the time periods to which its jurisdiction will extend.

Impartiality and national reach.

Although the draft statute provides for the tribunal’s jurisdiction over the entire territory of Kenya, the preamble of the statute should explicitly refer to the need for impartial investigation and prosecution of crimes committed by all parties to the post-election violence in any of Kenya’s eight provinces. For example, crimes committeed in Mt. Elgon during the above time frame were most certainly related to the election, even if the genesis of the instability there preceded the 2007 elections.
Substantive offenses

International Crimes Bill.

As presently drafted, the statute of the special tribunal lacks precision in its definition of crimes. Of particular importance, “gross violations of human rights” (article 3) does not correspond to any clearly defined crime under international law, and, as defined in the draft statute, broadens the tribunal’s jurisdiction to include almost any serious crime. The focus of the tribunal-which will have limited prosecutorial and judicial resources-should be more narrow.

We understand that the International Crimes Bill has recently been adopted by parliament. This bill implements the Rome Statute of the ICC in national law, including by making genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes-as those crimes are defined by the Rome Statute-substantive offenses under Kenyan law and subject to prosecution by Kenyan authorities.

We urge the Kenyan parliament to link the International Crimes Bill to the special tribunal’s statute, and to define the tribunal’s subject matter jurisdiction in part by reference to war crimes and crimes against humanity as defined in that bill. Tthe statute should direct the judges to interpret the definition of crimes in accordance with international law, including the Rome Statute.

However, given that there is no indication that genocide was committed during post-election violence, there is no need to include the crime of genocide within the tribunal’s jurisdiction. Instead, it would make more sense to include other offenses. While the tribunal should focus primarily on serious international crimes, the statute’s drafters should consider including within the tribunal’s jurisdiction other offenses defined under Kenyan law, such as murder and sexual violence crimes, as needed to permit full prosecution of those most responsible for post-election violence.

Torture.

As a major international crime, torture should also be included in the tribunal’s jurisdiction, taking the definition from the Convention Against Torture, that is, any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions.

Individual criminal responsibility.

Article six of the draft statute makes available certain theories of individual criminal responsibility that go beyond direct commission of the crime. Such theories, including command responsibility and other forms of participating in planning and execution of the crimes, are essential where trial of leaders is anticipated. To ensure that all appropriate theories of criminal responsibility are included and are defined in a manner consistent with international law, we recommend that the statute refer to article seven of the International Crimes Bill, which will incorporate the principles of individual criminal responsibility and the responsibility of commanders and other superiors found in articles 25 and 28 respectively of the Rome Statute.

Judges and prosecutors

Commonwealth judges. An impartial and competent bench is a key fair trial right under Kenyan and international law. Transparency in the selection of judges will be of utmost importance.
We welcome the qualifications for appointment of all judges set out in article 13. Prior experience in criminal practice-whether in managing complex criminal trials in their national jurisdictions or experience before international criminal tribunals or mixed national-international tribunals- will be a particularly important qualification.

We also welcome provision in the draft statute for the tribunal’s chambers to be composed of a mix of international and national judges. International judges can contribute positively to the effective and impartial functioning of the tribunal. Consistent with the recommendations of the CIPEV, article 11 of the draft statute should provide for the non-Kenyan judges to be drawn from the Commonwealth. This will help to ensure a common legal background among the judges, adding to the efficiency of proceedings.

Investigative and prosecutorial resources.

Investigation and prosecution of serious crimes can be extremely complex. Demonstrating the systematic and widespread nature of crimes and the responsibility of perpetrators-who may have been leaders far removed from crime scenes-can pose tough challenges. International standards require prompt, thorough, independent, and impartial investigation and prosecution. The special tribunal must be equipped with adequate investigative and prosecutorial resources to meet these challenges and responsibilities.
We welcome the CIPEV’s recommendations and provision in the statute for international staff to work alongside Kenyan staff within the prosecutor’s office. Like international judges, international prosecutors and investigators can bring helpful expertise to the tribunal and complement the knowledge and experience of Kenyan staff. As currently provided for in the draft statute, we recommend that the prosecutor be non-Kenyan, and that, as recommended by the CIPEV, that the head of investigations and not less than three other members of the investigation team also be non-Kenyan. The draft statute should provide that the prosecutor have extensive experience trying criminal cases, and that investigators have experience in their own national jurisdictions, preferably in conducting police investigations.

Although the special tribunal should have sufficient personnel to carry out its own investigations, the tribunal’s personnel should have access to evidence collected prior to the tribunal’s establishment in cases that are subject to its jurisdiction, including investigative material, witness statements, and testimony collected and recorded by the CIPEV. The draft statute should provide for this transfer of evidence, and its admissibility and weight in proceedings before the tribunal should be subject to a determination by the tribunal’s trial chamber pursuant to Kenyan and international standards on the collection of evidence.

Additional chambers. Further consideration should be given to the provision in the draft statute on the creation of additional chambers. A better approach would be to appraise the likely caseload of the tribunal and equip it with sufficient capacity from the outset, including by drawing from the experiences of staffing international and mixed international-national tribunals. Selection of judges and professional judicial staff after the start of operations could create delays in proceedings.

Pre-trial judge. The draft statute provides in article 25 for pre-trial proceedings to be conducted by a pre-trial judge. While analogous pre-trial proceedings analogous to those set out in article 25 are conducted at the ICC, as far as we are aware, such proceedings are not provided for in ordinary Kenyan criminal procedure. If these proceedings are retained, specific provision should be made in the statute for the appointment of a chamber of pre-trial judges, rather than a single pre-trial judge, reflecting the same balance between international and national judges and qualifications as the trial and appeals chambers.

Terms of service. Given the nature of the proceedings the tribunal will conduct, judicial terms of three years are likely to be too short for the tribunal to carry out its mandate in full. We recommend that the tribunal’s mandate be open-ended, subject to review. Terms of service for judges should be open-ended, as currently provided in the draft statute for other tribunal staff. We would also recommend that provision be made for the tribunal to appoint a president from among its judges to assist in its management.
Fair trial rights and penalties

Rights under Kenyan and international law. While the draft statute provides a list of rights of suspects and accused in articles 31 and 32, the statute should explicitly provide for the applicability of all fair trial rights under Kenyan and international law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Persons under the age of 18. The statute should exclude persons under the age of 18 from its jurisdiction, consistent with the practice of the International Criminal Court.

Trials in absentia. The draft statute should not permit the conduct of trials in absentia. Trials in absentia violate international law, which stipulates that a defendant should be present at his own trial.

Death penalty. We welcome provision in the draft statute for imprisonment as the primary penalty on conviction, and agree that terms of imprisonment should be determined with reference to international practice. Kenya should in any case abolish the death penalty immediately.

Barring commutation or pardon of sentence. The draft statute should bar commutation or pardon of sentences handed down by the special tribunal by any external authority to avoid political interference with its decisions.

Additional suggestions

Preamble.
The law would benefit from a preamble that refers to the need for and aims of the special tribunal. In addition to our earlier recommendation that such a preamble stress the tribual’s impartiality and national reach, a preamble might include the following references:

That it is established in accordance with the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into the Post Election Violence (CIPEV) led by Justice Waki;

That it is independent and autonomous and not subject to the control or direction of any other authority;
That its aim is to prosecute those most responsible for serious international crimes committed in connection with the 2007 Kenyan general elections;
That it is “anchored” in Kenya’s constitution;
That it will apply both Kenyan and international criminal law by virtue of the enactment of the International Crimes Bill 2008, making the provisions of the Rome Statue applicable in Kenyan domestic law;
That the tribunal will receive the full support and cooperation of the government of Kenya in its establishment and subsequent operations.

Cooperation. The cooperation of Kenyan authorities will be critical to the tribunal’s success. In addition to including references to cooperation in the preamble, the draft statute should compel the government to cooperate with the tribunal on a number of important issues, including the identification and location of persons; the taking of testimony and the production of evidence; the service of documents; the arrest or detention of persons; and the surrender or the transfer of the accused to the tribunal.
Immunities, commencement date of the tribunal, and expenses. Provision should be made in the tribunal’s statute for immunities of the tribunal and its officials, for determination of the tribunal’s commencement date following the enactment of its statute, and for the court’s expenses.

Resources. The tribunal should be provided with adequate resources from both national and international donors, to include the expense of all its operations, of investigation, of creation and to ensure its independence. It should not be forced to continually beg for funding from the government.
These suggestions are made to the government of Kenya in the hope that the draft law can be made more effective before it is passed by Parliament. Once the tribunal is established, other areas key to its effectiveness will need to be addressed in practice. These include implementation of the statute’s critical provisions on witness protection.

It is in the interests of all Kenyans that the country’s history of impunity on political violence be confronted. It is also in the interests of peace and stability in the country and the region. Kenya has a unique opportunity to take the lead in creating a domestic institution-with international assistance-that could deliver justice where previous attempts have failed. Additional efforts through the ordinary criminal courts will be required to bring full accountability.

Human Rights Watch remains committed to assisting the government of Kenya in ensuring that the perpetrators of human rights violations are held to account.

Yours sincerely,

Georgette Gagnon, Africa Director

Richard Dicker, International Justice Director

CC: Hon Raila Odinga

Hon Mwai Kibaki

November 17, 2008

This Political Man Called William Ruto

With each passing day, william ruto is becoming more and more belligerent. He is slowly coming out of the closet to air his frustrations with the orange democratic movement, the coalition, the treasury and anything else he can lay his hands on. He is the new kid on the block with the bravado to challenge the system he is serving as a cabinet minister. He no longer thinks collective responsibility among cabinet ministers is a good idea. If he is not blasting connivers and schemers against him within his party, he is training his guns on the treasury that doesn’t think his agriculture ministry deserves more money than the military department. All of a sudden, ruto has become a champion of the poor, the oppressed and the jobless youth. He has found new inspiration in the fight against poverty and inequality; unlike his two superiors who have found comfort in their new relationship. Ruto has a special loathing for the waki report which has driven him to the edge. For this reason, his realization that his boss raila odinga had supported the full implementation of the report amounted to a betrayal of the highest order and a stab on the back by a comrade in arms.

According to him, the mayhem, murder, rape and displacement of thousands of non- kalenjins in the rift valley was done in the name of raila. Therefore, for better or for worse, raila should be the last person to want to punish the community that stood by him and fought his war. It is true the war cry at the time, at the height of the violent protest all over the country was “no raila! no peace!” back then, most of kenya except central,North Eastern,chunks of Nairobi and eastern provinces believed that raila had won the elections. However, despite this anger with the government machinery for robbing raila of victory, the man never told anybody to kill, maim, rape and rob in his name. He never ordered non- kalenjins to be removed from rift valley or any part of the country. That kind of order would have impacted negatively on the person who wanted to be the president of kenya. Ruto is not alone in being upset with raila. Most mps from rift valley and western province seem to have an axe to grind with their prime minister. The rift valley mps have used every opportunity to vilify and discredit him right from the day the coalition government formed its first cabinet. A number of them who thought they deserved to be in that cabinet but missed have never forgiven raila. Initially they used three bi-elections in kipsigis part of rift valley to punish raila’s odm.

They failed three times. Then they lurched onto the mau forest that raila had promised to clear of settlers and restore the water catchment area. As they struggled with the mau forest saga, waki presented them with a convenient diversion. Now the song in rift valley is that raila has used them to get his premiership and is about to dump them and watch as some of their leaders are rounded up for the hague trials. The question is; can ruto and his kinsmen afford to decamp from odm now if matters got worse? can raila let the kalenjin mps go away should they continue to nag him for all manner of reasons? do they have enough disrespect for him to continue distracting him with their parochial issues? how many of these mps would have been elected on a kanu ticket had they not joined odm? between these noisy mps and raila; who used who to get elected? how many of these characters are electable on their own? if the original narc had held together in 2003 and chose to pursue these characters for their past misdeeds when they were in power for 24 years under daniel arap moi, where would some of them be today? most of these questions can only be answered appropriately by the very mps from rift valley because they know better their recent history. As for ruto; if he is a true leader of his people; if he truly thinks he can no longer serve in a cabinet of incompetent, visionless and self seeking leaders like president mwai kibaki and raila, then the best laudable option is to resign at least from the cabinet.

By James Waititu

There are precedents to emulate. Raila’s father jaramogi oginga odinga did just that in 1966. The late joseph murumbi followed him a few months later. Kenneth matiba and kibaki followed the same path two decades later. It is the honorable thing to do when you no longer believe in collective responsibility.

August 30, 2008

Africa Confidential:KHRC Violence Report -Names

August 30, 2008 at 5:36 AM- The state-funded Kenya National Commission on Human Rights has produced a researched but politically explosive report which links six government ministers to the violence that followed this year’s elections, when over 1,000 people died and some 350,000 were displaced (AC Vol 49 No 16). Although the KNCHR is yet to release the full list of the 209 people it named as involved in the violence, Muigwithania 2.0 and Africa Confidential have both obtained a copy which includes what the KNCHR describes as ‘a list of alleged perpetrators’ which it believes ‘provides a basis and a good starting point for further investigations’. The KNCHR emphasises that it is ‘not making any conclusions that the persons mentioned are guilty’. It insists that it has made every effort to ensure that the information about the named persons meets a threshold of credibility and that it has subjected the list to review by ‘independent persons’ and ‘national experts’.

Perpetrators
The KNCHR’s list of ‘alleged perpetrators’ includes six cabinet ministers: xxxx xxxxxx from President Mwai Kibaki‘s Party of National Unity, Sally Kosgei, Henry Kosgey, William Ruto, Najib Balala and the late Kipkalya Kones from Prime Minister Raila Odinga‘s Orange Democratic Movement. It also included allegations against a bishop and several preachers, Christian and Muslim, for involvement in the violence. List of Alleged Perpetrators.

To substantiate its ‘list of perpetrators’, which includes 20 MPs, the KNCHR report goes into some detail about political meetings leading up to the election crisis and some held once the violence had started. It argues forcefully that at least part of the violence was well organised prior to the election.
For example, it reports that Agriculture Minister William Ruto (MP for Eldoret North) held a meeting in August 2007 with other senior ODM leaders in Kipkelion near Kericho which included the late Lorna Laboso (MP for Sotik), the late Kipkalya Kones (MP for Bomet and a Minister) and Franklin Bett (MP for Bureti). At this meeting, the report states the attendees resolved to carry out mass evictions of non-Kalenjins from their homes in the Rift Valley, particularly the Kikuyu and Abagusii.

In a separate section, the report names former High Commissioner to London and now Minister of Higher Education Sally Kosgei as ‘planning, inciting and financing’ the violence in the Rift Valley. It also accuses Tourism Minister Najib Balala of inciting and paying youths Ksh500 (US$7.37) each to cause violence.

The Commission Chairwoman, Florence Simbiri-Jaoko, who replaced Maina Kiai at the end of July, said the full report listed five ministers, five religious leaders, eight senior provincial administrators and 13 others. She would pass its findings to the government’s own probe, the Commission to Investigate Post-Election Violence, which is headed by Justice Philip Waki and which is partly funded by the United Nations, she added. She will call for the prosecution of the named officials and others implicated in the events in five of Kenya’s eight provinces (Rift, Nyanza, Western, Coast and Central) and in Nairobi.

Now politicians and journalists are taking aim at the KNCHR’s report. Nairobi’s Daily Nation claims that an annexe with the full list of names was removed at the last minute and suggests that the names of Odinga’s allies were removed but those of Kibaki’s stayed. KNCHR officials deny any such doctoring.

It is true that in the version of the report made public, the Odinga supporters named – with the exception of a former lieutenant of ex-President Daniel arap Moi, William Ole Ntimama – are almost all minor political and business players who would have drawn finance and support from more senior figures. Many say that powerful Kikuyu business and political interests financed the pro-Kibaki gangs in Nairobi’s slums but the report says nothing about the financiers of the anti-Kikuyu gangs.

Three chapters of the report are devoted to the worst hit South, North, and Central parts of the Rift Valley. They detail atrocities such as the burning alive of Kikuyu people in a church in Kiambaa in Eldoret, the forcible circumcision of Luo men who then bled to death, murders and lynchings by gangs in various parts of the country and in Nairobi’s slums, and hundreds of rapes.

The report criticises the ‘negative ethnicity’ of FM radio stations and of members of parliament at pre-election rallies. In the Rift, the term kuondoa madoadoa (‘remove the spot’) incited constituents to get rid of Kikuyu. Kihii (‘uncircumcised man’ in Kikuyu) was used to berate uncircumcised Luo.
Information was collected over four months in 136 constituencies from 1,102 deponents, including 46 senior policemen, 40 provincial administrators, 33 councillors and ten MPs. The detail, numbers and naming of at least some names is a breakthrough. It is unclear whether the individuals interviewed will testify, given the police’s difficulty in obtaining evidence, or whether the information will stand up in court.

The KNCHR asks the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to open investigations on Kenya, claiming crimes against humanity were committed as part of a planned policy, and to determine ‘who bears the greatest responsibility’.

The KNCHR details violence against Kikuyu and upcountry groups in the Rift and elsewhere, and retaliatory violence against Luo, Kalenjin and people of other non-Kikuyu ethnic groups, which led to 7,500 ‘episodes of violence’, numerous rapes, and the destruction of property. It claims that this was premeditated, highly organised and financed by key politicians, businessmen, community leaders, civil servants and many teachers.

The former District Commissioner of Uasin Gishu in the Rift, Bernard Kinyua, has told the Waki Commission that he and others received no reports that youths were being trained and said the violence there was spontaneous. Hassan Noor Hassan, Provincial Commissioner of the Rift Valley, also insisted to the Waki Commission that the violence was spontaneous and that reports of oath-taking had been inferred incorrectly from circumcision ceremonies taking place at the time.
Three District Commissioners from the North Rift, Stephan Ikua (Koibatek), Mabeya Mogaka (formerly of Nandi North) and Aden Parake (Kipkelion), also told the Waki Commission that the violence was spontaneous. In the 1990s, the Akiwumi Commission’s investigation into tribal clashes accused government administrators of being untruthful and attempting cover-ups.

The report argues that the police and security agencies adopted a shoot-to-kill policy, mainly in Kisumu and parts of Nairobi. Police officers from Kisumu and Homa Bay in Nyanza (Edward Mwamburi and Simon Kiragu) told the Waki Commission that they were ordered to use live rounds.

The KNCHR chastises the government for failing to act on warnings from the National Security Intelligence Service. Earlier, the Director of that service, Brigadier Michael Gichangi, had testified to the Waki Commission that it had information forecasting violence before the elections, including reports of oathing and the names of gang sponsors.

The report describes positive actions to quell violence by police and other agencies, acknowledging that their task was enormous and sometimes overwhelming. It also describes cases where police and others assisted individuals from their own groups and failed to protect other communities. Some clergy did likewise, although in Narok and Mombassa, elders, religious leaders and police persuaded local youths to desist from violence.

The report asked the Attorney General or the police to investigate those listed in its unpublished Annex 1, while noting that the list is not comprehensive. It also calls for an investigation of the security forces and for special courts in the ‘theatres of violence’. Its other recommendations include the enactment of legislation on ‘hate speech’, provision for internally displaced people and human rights education for nation-building.

June 6, 2008

Kenya- Post election violence update

NAIROBI, Kenya — “We hurriedly buried the seven in the shallow grave and fled due to fears of attacks,” explained cattle farmer Joseph Mwangi-Macharia last month as armed police accompanying him went through the motions of unearthing the bodies of his entire family, unwitting victims of the violence that followed Kenya’s disputed December 2007 election.

“This was my lovely wife. They decapitated her when she pleaded that they spare her 18-year-old granddaughter,” said the 52-year old Mwangi-Macharia amid sobs, “Why in God’s name did they have to kill her in this fashion?”

As the seven bodies were interred in Kenya’s Rift Valley province, a flashpoint of some of the deadliest intertribal skirmishes, a moral dilemma was also confronting Kenya’s people and leaders: Would a blanket amnesty for perpetrators of crimes against humanity — such as those who wiped out Macharia’s entire family — be a pragmatic way for the country to get past recent events? Or would it constitute an injustice of epic proportions, given the circumstances that led to the formation of the now two-month-old coalition government?About 1,500 people were killed and 355,000 others displaced from their homes soon after the controversial results of Kenya’s presidential elections were announced in December. Now the country is wrestling with how to deal with that reality while preserving a fragile peace.

“The remote perpetrators, leaders and planners of the type of violations witnessed in Kenya must never be exempted under any circumstances. To do so would be a travesty of justice,” said Maina Kiai, executive director of the Kenya National Human Rights Commission (KNHRC), a government-funded organization.

According to Kenyan police spokesman Eric Kiraithe, 12,000 people are awaiting trial for crimes related to the post-election violence, while another 340 suspects whose identity is known are yet to be apprehended.Georgette Gagnon, Africa program director at Human Rights Watch, says her organization has evidence against leaders of Prime Minister Rail Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) for helping to incite the ethnic violence, and she cautions against playing the amnesty card.The violence was triggered by the widespread perception that Kibaki, an alumnus of the prestigious London School of Economics, stole the election from opposition politician Raila Odinga, an East German-trained mechanical engineer.

According the government-appointed Electoral Commission of Kenya, Kibaki won 4.5 million votes compared to the Odinga’s 4.3 million. But independent observers accused the commission of engaging in fraud to put Kibaki over the top.To stem the spiral of violence that threatened to tear the country asunder, former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan attempted to negotiate an acceptable political settlement between the two parties.In April, Kibaki and Odinga settled for a power-sharing arrangement that saw the former grudgingly give up some of his executive power to the latter, who now serves as prime minister in the so-called “grand coalition” government of the country’s two largest rival parties, a first such coalition in Africa.But the power-sharing by the two antagonists has been anything but calm as their respective camps have disagreed on practically everything, including amnesty. The battle for political succession in 2012, when the next polls are scheduled, continues to undermine the cohesiveness of the government.

On the amnesty question, Odinga’s ODM favors an unconditional release of all those suspected of taking part in the violence, while Kibaki’s Party of National Unity (PNU) seeks due process for all suspects.
“Many of those being held were acting as our vigilantes whose only crime was to ensure that a free and fair election took place. But the police force has been biased in the whole issue. Only ODM people were picked up. I have raised the issue with President Kibaki severally and we expect the matter to be resolved expeditiously,” Odinga told a public rally in late May.He added: “I don’t think we should be talking about giving amnesty to those already in custody because they committed no crime. Is it a crime to fight for your democratic rights? Or is it a crime to stand and say that last year’s elections were rigged?”

Henry Kosgey, ODM chairman and the country’s minister for industrialization, also believes genuine reconciliation will only be achieved if the government releases the suspects unconditionally.”There should be no double application of the law,” Kosgey said recently. “Youths that butchered people in the name of defending Kibaki have never been arrested but ours are rotting in the cells.”Meanwhile, others, including world-renowned Kenyan novelist and playwright Ngugi wa Thiong’o, say the reality of election rigging cannot justify the violence committed in retaliation for that crime, and are urging the U.N. to probe the killings.

“I . . . call upon the United Nations to act and investigate the massacres that took place in Kenya as crimes against humanity and let the chips fall where they may,” Thiong’o told the BBC in January.

“For the sake of justice, healing and peace now and in the future I urge all progressive forces not too be so engrossed with the political wrongs of election tampering that they forget the crimes of hate and ethnic cleansing — crimes that led to untimely deaths and displacement of thousands,” he added.Conspicuously, President Kibaki has so far remained above the fray, though his PNU allies are unanimously agreed that nothing should get in the way of justice for the perpetrators.

“Whether the investigations come from the international scene or from our own jurisdiction does not really matter. What is important is that they are done and those found guilty charged accordingly,” said Martha Karua, minister for justice, national cohesion and constitutional affairs.

Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, who is also in agreement with his fellow party members, has a message for those who committed violence: “You can run for 20 years but the law will still catch up with you,” he said. “Take for instance the case of Felecian Kabuga, the fugitive Rwandan who is still being pursued for having had a role in the genocide that took place in 1994. Those who were involved in crimes against humanity here are undeserving of amnesty.”

Meanwhile, some arguably more independent observers contend that the nation’s political culture must be cleansed of its tradition of deception if Kenya is to move forward.

“Kenya is a country that is built on a shaky foundation of half-truths with regard to its past,” said human rights lawyer Njonjo Mui. “If we are to survive and reinvent ourselves as a nation, we must discover our truth and urgently deploy it to the task of truly setting us free.”

Indeed, the most recent violence is part of a well-established history of interethnic strife, particular at election time. Such clashes also have occurred in 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2006.

Paul Wanyande, a lecturer of political science at the University of Nairobi, traces the roots of election-related violence to former President Daniel Arap Moi, who he says pursued a political strategy of balkanizing the country “into tribal fiefdoms.”

“Unfortunately, when a new administration ascended to power in 2002, it encouraged impunity when it dithered on acting on myriad official reports that had named and shamed individuals linked to past human rights violations,” said Wanyande.

Amnesty International also has added its voice to those who want a full investigation of the post-election abuses and killings.

“Amnesty International wants the African Commission and the Kenya Government to prioritize an investigation into the human rights violations and abuses perpetrated during the post-election period,” said the organization’s Africa program director, Erwin van der Borght. “Impunity for human rights violations will only store up problems for Kenya’s future.

Meanwhile, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is investigating whether to bring charges against those involved in the violence.